必異規則
必異規則(Obligatory Contour Principle;簡稱:OCP、硬性語音結構原則、必要起伏原則、無雙原則、強制性非同值原則、強制曲拱制約條件)是一種語音假說,指出(某些)連續相同的顯著特點(distinctive feature)都被禁止出現在底層表述上。
背景考慮
在音韻學一種很普遍的觀念即是沒有詞素允許包含兩個連續的聲調。如果兩個連續的高聲調在一個語素上出現,那麼有些規則必須應用上去。(Odden1986) 也許表層高元音之一是"底層高調",而另一個是"底層無調"(underlyingly toneless)。因為所有元音在表層必須有聲調(在這假設性的語言裡),然後一個元音的高聲調擴散到其他地方(請參見:自动段音韵学)。另外,由於一些規則的應用、一個元音(或兩個)可能已經開始有了低聲調、且變為高聲調;或者有低聲調介於兩個高音調之間、而這些高聲調在某些時候又被刪除。無論如何,在語素的詞彙條目上、必異規則認為在底層的詞素不能存有兩個連續的高音調(或兩個連續的低聲調等)。
歷史
必異規則的"最有權威性的章節"(locus classicus)Leben (1973)上論說關於底層表述是基於"排除相同聲調序列"進而構成"約束詞性的詞素結構"。在"自動段音韻學"(Goldsmith 1976)上明白的概念闡述是介於"特色旋律"(featural melody)和"骨幹單元"(skeletal unit)(即CV音韻學,參見<McCarthy 1979, McCarthy 1981, Steriade 1982, Clements & Keyser 1983>)、"音節長度音韻學"(moraic phonology、<Hyman 1985, Hayes 1989>)之間的關聯,因此必異規則被認為是相關於"相鄰的單向鍊旋律"(adjacent singly linked melody)、而不是"雙向鍊旋律"(doubly linked melody)。
參考文獻
- Alderete, John, Dissimilation as local conjunction, K. Kusumoto (编), Proceedings of North East Linguistic Society 27 (PDF), Amherst: Graduate Linguistic Student Association: 17–31, 1997 [2014-03-01], (原始内容存档 (PDF)于2020-01-20).
- Clements, George N; Keyser, S. J., CV Phonology, Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1983.
- Goldsmith, John, Autosegmental Phonology, 1976. PhD dissertation, MIT.
- Hayes, Bruce, Compensatory lengthening in moraic phonology, Linguistic Inquiry, 1989, 20: 253–306. Scanned 2MB (页面存档备份,存于互联网档案馆) Searchable 5MB (页面存档备份,存于互联网档案馆)
- Hyman, Larry M., A theory of phonological weight, Dordrecht: Foris, 1985
- Leben, William, Suprasegmental Phonology, 1973. PhD dissertation, MIT. Distributed by Indiana University Linguistics Club.
- McCarthy, John J, Formal problems in Semitic phonology and morphology (PDF), 1979, (原始内容 (PDF)存档于2006-08-30). PhD dissertation, MIT.
- McCarthy, John J, A prosodic theory of non-concatenative morphology (PDF), Linguistic Inquiry, 1981, 12: 373–418, (原始内容 (PDF)存档于2006-09-04).
- McCarthy, John J, OCP effects: Gemination and antigemination (PDF), Linguistic Inquiry, 1986, 17: 207–263, (原始内容 (PDF)存档于2006-09-04).
- Odden, David, On the role of the Obligatory Contour Principle in phonological theory, Language, 1986, 62: 353–383.
- Odden, David, Anti anti-gemination and the OCP, Linguistic Inquiry, 1988, 19: 451–475.
- Prince, Alan; Smolensky, Paul, Optimality Theory: Constraint Interaction in Generative Grammar (PDF), Malden, MA and Oxford, UK: Blackwell, 2004 [2014-03-01], (原始内容存档 (PDF)于2020-08-07).
- Steriade, Donca, Greek prosodies and the nature of syllabification, 1982. PhD dissertation, MIT.
- Yip, Moira, The Obligatory Contour Principle and phonological rules: a loss of identity, Linguistic Inquiry, 1988: 65–100.