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狄奥多尔·科穆宁·杜卡斯
Θεόδωρος Κομνηνὸς Δούκας
伊庇鲁斯专制国统治者、塞萨洛尼基帝国皇帝（英语：Emperor of Thessalonica）（1224年后），自称拜占庭皇帝
刻有狄奥多尔（左）受圣德米特里祝福的琥珀金硬币
统治1215年—1230年
前任米开尔一世·科穆宁·杜卡斯（英语：Michael I Komnenos Doukas）
继任曼努埃尔·科穆宁·杜卡斯（英语：Manuel Doukas）
逝世约1253年
配偶玛丽亚·佩特拉里法伊娜（英语：Maria Petraliphaina）
子嗣安娜·安格莉娜·科穆宁·杜卡伊娜（英语：Anna Angelina Komnene Doukaina）
约翰·科穆宁·杜卡斯（英语：John Komnenos Doukas）
伊丽妮·科穆宁·杜卡伊娜（英语：Irene Komnene Doukaina）
迪米特里欧斯·科穆宁·杜卡斯（英语：Demetrios Komnenos Doukas）
朝代科穆宁·杜卡斯
父亲约翰·杜卡斯（英语：John Doukas (sebastokrator)）
母亲佐伊·杜卡伊娜

狄奥多尔·科穆宁·杜卡斯 （希腊语：Θεόδωρος Κομνηνὸς Δούκας, Theodōros Komnēnos Doukas，拉丁化：Theodore Comnenus Ducas，生年不详，死于约1253年）在1215至1230年间作为伊庇鲁斯专制国和色萨利的统治者，并于1224至1230年间支配塞萨洛尼基帝国（英语：Empire of Thessalonica）、部分马其顿地区和西色雷斯。之后的1237至1246年间他则背后支撑两个儿子约翰·科穆宁·杜卡斯（英语：John Komnenos Doukas）和迪米特里欧斯·科穆宁·杜卡斯（英语：Demetrios Komnenos Doukas）统治塞萨洛尼基。

狄奥多尔为拜占庭帝国著名贵族的直系后裔，此家族和帝国的科穆宁、杜卡斯及安格洛斯（英语：Angelos）王朝都有所牵连。然而一直到1204年君士坦丁堡被征服、拜占庭帝国被第四次十字军东征瓦解后，狄奥多尔才为人所知。君士坦丁堡沦陷后，他在尼西亚帝国创始者狄奥多尔一世麾下服务，几年后被派到伊庇鲁斯，此时他同父异母的兄弟米开尔一世·科穆宁·杜卡斯（英语：Michael I Komnenos Doukas）已经在那建立一个独立的亲王国。1215年米开尔一世被谋杀后，狄奥多尔取代其还未成年的私生子米开尔二世（英语：Michael II Komnenos Doukas）得到伊庇鲁斯的治理权，并且延续他哥哥的领土扩张政策。与塞尔维亚结盟的同时进入马其顿，使得萨洛尼卡王国备受威胁。1217年成功在阿尔巴尼亚的山中捉住拉丁帝国皇帝皮耶尔二世·德考特尼（法语：Pierre II de Courtenay）后开始逐渐包围塞萨洛尼基，最终于1224年攻克该城。

作为塞萨洛尼基的统治者，狄奥多尔很快地宣布自己成为皇帝，挑战着尼西亚帝国皇帝约翰三世宣称为其所有的拜占庭皇座。1225年，他拓展到君士坦丁堡城郊，但是针对这大幅衰弱的拉丁帝国所在地的最后一击被推迟至1230年。那一年狄奥多尔聚集一支军队围攻君士坦丁堡，之后却转为面对保加利亚第二帝国，因为这原先的同盟正威胁著北边。狄奥多尔于克罗克特尼察战役（英语：Battle of Klokotnitsa）战败被捕，接着被囚禁七年。在这期间，他的兄弟曼努埃尔·科穆宁·杜卡斯（英语：Manuel Doukas）继承了他的位子，不过他迅速地让色雷斯、大部分的马其顿和阿尔巴尼亚等地落入保加利亚沙皇伊凡·亚森二世（英语：Ivan Asen II of Bulgaria）手中。另外塞萨洛尼基变成保加利亚的附庸，伊庇鲁斯的正统治理权则由结束流亡的米开尔二世拥有。

1237年他的女儿伊丽妮·科穆宁·杜卡伊娜（英语：Irene Komnene Doukaina）和伊凡·亚森结婚，此刻狄奥多尔才获释。重返自由之后他很快的夺回塞萨洛尼基的控制权，驱逐了曼努埃尔。由于遭囚禁期间因受刑导致眼盲令他失去了回到宝座上的资格，他立最年长的儿子约翰为帝，不过狄奥多尔仍然担任实质的摄政。曼努埃尔试图在尼西亚的支持下取回塞萨洛尼基，但是协商的结果让他得到色萨利，剩余的塞萨洛尼基地区和其周遭则给予狄奥多尔和约翰。1241年，约翰三世邀请狄奥多尔拜访尼西亚，热烈欢迎和礼遇让他在那一直待到隔年春季才随约翰三世的队伍来到塞萨洛尼基。狄奥多尔在此和儿子交涉、说服他降为比较低阶的专制君主并承认尼西亚帝国的宗主权。约翰于1244年过世，接替其位者为他的弟弟迪米特里欧斯。1246年，约翰三世兼并塞萨洛尼基，不得人心的迪米特里欧斯倒台。受到叔叔狄奥多尔影响，米开尔二世在1251年对塞萨洛尼基发动攻击，可是第二年约翰三世与他们另启战端，让米开尔被迫抽手。狄奥多尔在尼西亚被关押、流放，最后于1253年左右逝世。

早年生活

迪奥多尔于1180到1185年间出生，是约翰·杜卡斯（英语：John Doukas (sebastokrator)）皇帝和佐伊·杜卡伊娜(Zoe Doukaina)的儿子，[1]他的祖父母是康斯坦丁·安格洛斯（英语：Constantine Angelos）和拜占庭皇帝阿历克塞一世（1081年—1118年在位）的女儿迪奥多拉。迪奥多尔的叔叔安卓尼克斯是拜占庭皇帝伊萨克二世（1185年－1195年，1203年－1204年）和阿历克塞三世（1195年—1203年）的爸爸。[2]

如同大部分的家族成员，他较偏向以“杜卡斯”或“科穆宁·杜卡斯”（Κομνηνὸς ὁ Δούκας）做为外号；当时人们对他有许多不同的称呼，如：“杜卡斯”、“科穆宁”或甚至是“伟大的科穆宁”（μέγας Κομνηνός）——一个常用于特拉比松帝国统治者的名号。[3][4]迪奥多尔选择与较为成功的杜卡斯王朝和科穆宁王朝相关，而不是相形失败的安格洛斯王朝；事实上中世纪只有少数反对他、支持巴列奥略王朝的史学家如此叫他，但是乔治·阿克罗波利提斯（英语：George Akropolites）在迪奥多尔于1230年败于克罗克特尼察后即抛弃“科穆宁”，转而使用“安格洛斯”称呼他。[3][5][6]

约1204年，第四次十字军后的拉丁帝国，领土边界非绝对准确。
第四次十字军东征后，拜占庭帝国被分割，形成群雄并立的情况。

狄奥多尔的早年生活过得并不一帆风顺。[7]1204年，第四次十字军攻破拜占庭首都后，他随拜占廷贵族拉斯卡利斯（即狄奥多尔一世）出逃至小亚细亚，而拉斯卡利斯就此建立尼西亚帝国。狄奥多尔在拉斯卡利斯手下做事的具体内容大多未知，只有辩护士乔治·巴达尼斯（英语：George Bardanes）所写的书信中有简单提及。巴达尼斯写道狄奥多尔不仅为其主人数度身陷险境，还夺下多座敌方堡垒并将其纳入拉斯卡利斯麾下，如此英勇表现令他赢得许多这位尼西亚帝王的奖赏。[8]

一些现代学者如卡尔·霍夫（英语：Karl Hopf）和安托万·邦（Antoine Bon）把某一个叫做狄奥多尔的人视为狄奥多尔·科穆宁·杜卡斯，这个狄奥多尔曾经做过阿尔戈斯的君主，而且于1208年里欧·斯古洛斯（英语：Leo Sgouros）死后，继承他的位子和领导手下对抗伯罗奔尼撒西北边的十字军。然而这个观点遭到雷蒙乔瑟夫·李欧纳兹（英语：Raymond-Joseph Loenertz）质疑，他认为没有证据支持此假设，相对的众多资料佐证狄奥多尔当时确实身处尼西亚帝国。[9][10]

1210年左右，在伊庇鲁斯建立一个带有希腊文化的亲王国后，同父异母的哥哥米开尔一世·科穆宁·杜卡斯（英语：Michael I Komnenos Doukas）邀请狄奥多尔来到伊庇鲁斯。[11][a]因为米开尔一世唯一的儿子，也就是将来的米开尔二世·科穆宁·杜卡斯（英语：Michael II Komnenos Doukas）年纪还小且非婚生，再加上米开尔一世其他的兄弟又欠缺治理能力，所以需要狄奥多尔的协助。拉斯卡利斯允许狄奥多尔离开，不过要求他宣誓效忠自己和未来尼西亚的继承人。[12]动身前往伊庇鲁斯前，狄奥多尔和玛丽亚·佩特拉里法伊娜（英语：Maria Petraliphaina）结为连理，两人一共有四名子女。[13]

统治伊庇鲁斯

此为巴尔干半岛的地图，深橘色部分是伊庇鲁斯的原始领土，颜色较浅处是后来征服的土地。
伊庇鲁斯在米开尔一世和狄奥多尔统治期间的扩张，颜色较浅处是后来征服的土地。

从1210年开始，米开尔一世便致力于拓展国家版图，主要把矛头指向东边的拉丁国家萨洛尼卡王国；米开尔经过最初的几次挫折后，征服色萨利地区大部分的土地。而到1214年为止，拉丁人从米开尔手中收复了科孚岛和底耳哈琴。[14][15]传统的历史学观点认为米开尔一世的如此作为显示他扬弃对拉丁帝国曾经的宣示，但是历史学家飞利浦·凡·崔西特（Philip Van Tricht）主张至少理论上，米开尔和接下来的狄奥多尔都在1217年前维持拉丁帝国的附庸身份。[16]

1214年或1215年，米开尔一世被一名仆人暗杀，[17]由于米开尔二世还太年轻而且其身份存在争议，[18]狄奥多尔不费多少心思就把这男孩排除在王位竞争之外。根据阿尔塔的迪奥多拉（英语：Theodora of Arta）的圣徒传记，米开尔二世和母亲于狄奥多尔统治期间流亡伯罗奔尼撒。[19]

对外关系

狄奥多尔不但有能力，也是一位野心勃勃的君主。尽管曾对拉斯卡利斯宣示，他仍然希望把势力范围扩张至塞萨洛尼基，最终目的甚至是夺下君士坦丁堡，重新建立拜占庭帝国。 [20]为了巩固北边，他与塞尔维亚和阿尔巴尼亚的部族缔结同盟。早在米开尔一世治下，伊庇鲁斯就已经把政治势力延伸到阿尔巴农亲王国（英语：Principality of Arbanon），当其统治者迪米特里·普罗哥尼（英语：Dimitri Progoni）于1215年过世后，继承国家的遗孀在隔年即再婚希腊权贵葛列格里·卡莫纳斯（英语：Gregory Kamonas），这使得双方关系更加密切。[21]对于塞尔维亚人，狄奥多尔则停止向泽塔（英语：Zeta (crown land)）扩张，放弃米开尔一世时期对北方土地的索求，[22]反而与塞尔维亚君王斯提凡二世·涅马尼奇（英语：Stefan II Nemanjić of Serbia）（1196年–1228年在位）建立友好关系，共同抑制保加利亚第二帝国。1216年，两国情谊以狄奥多尔的弟弟曼努埃尔·科穆宁·杜卡斯（英语：Manuel Doukas）与斯提凡二世的一位姊妹的婚姻作为基础获得巩固。[23]斯提凡二世更企图让自己一个儿子迎娶米开尔一世的二女儿狄奥多拉，其极有可能是他的长子斯提凡·拉多斯拉夫（英语：Stefan Radoslav）。奥赫里德大主教（英语：Archbishop of Ohrid）迪米特里欧斯·邱马提安诺斯（英语：Demetrios Chomatianos）对此事持反对意见，他以双方有血缘关系为由拒绝认可这桩婚事，因为狄奥多拉是斯提凡·拉多斯拉夫之母尤多奇雅·安格莉娜（英语：Eudokia Angelina）的表亲，而尤多奇雅又是阿历克塞三世的女儿。1217年，斯提凡二世想要借由与狄奥多拉同父异母的姐姐成婚规避这个问题，但是邱马提安诺斯以类似缘由否决此提议。[23]最后斯提凡二世的大儿子和狄奥多尔的长女安娜·安格莉娜·科穆宁·杜卡伊娜（英语：Anna Angelina Komnene Doukaina）于1219年的冬日完婚。[24]

With his position thus strengthened, Theodore expanded his territory into northern Macedonia, although it is possible that at least part of this region had already been captured by Michael I after the death of the local Bulgarian ruler Strez in 1214. It is unclear to what extent Theodore's expansion involved direct conflict with the Bulgarian Tsar Boril (r. 1207–18), but by 1217 he held Ohrid, Prilep, and most of the plain of Pelagonia, at least up to Strez's old capital at Prosek, and likely beyond, approaching the Strymon River.[25] As the Greek historian Konstantinos Varzos has noted, the capture of Ohrid, seat of the eponymous archbishopric, was particularly important for the standing of the Epirote state and Theodore's aspirations. Theodore sponsored the election of the distinguished canonist Chomatianos to the archiepiscopal throne in 1217, and Chomatianos would repay that support with his steadfast championing of Epirote claims to the Byzantine imperial inheritance vis-à-vis the rival claims of Nicaea.[26]

Slightly damaged painting of a bearded middle-aged man, wearing a golden diadem
13th-century fresco portrait of Stefan II Nemanjić, from the Mileševa monastery

Following the Fourth Crusade, the Orthodox clergy in the two main Greek states, Epirus and Nicaea, had effectively become separated. In 1208, the Nicaeans had convened a synod and elected Michael Autoreianos as successor to the vacant see of the Patriarch of Constantinople. The election was uncanonical and therefore of questionable legitimacy. This in turn meant that Laskaris' imperial title was also open to challenge, as he had been crowned by the same Michael Autoreianos.[27] Already under Michael I, two local synods of bishops had emerged in the Epirote domains to carry on administration of the Church, largely independent of the Patriarch, one at Naupaktos under John Apokaukos, and one at Ohrid under Chomatianos. The more ambitious Chomatianos soon became the pre-eminent "western" bishop, and sought to strengthen the de facto Epirote autonomy in ecclesiastical affairs, including the appointment of bishops for the local sees without the Patriarch's interference. This policy, which dovetailed with Theodore's own ambitions of independence from and rivalry towards Nicaea, brought the two branches of the Greek Church to an open quarrel, as the Nicaea-based patriarch Manuel I Sarantenos began appointing bishops of his own to Epirote sees, whom the Epirotes refused to accept.[28] Despite his close ties to Epirus, Stefan II Nemanjić exploited the Epirote–Nicaean rivalry to his advantage to secure autocephaly for the Serbian Church, which traditionally had been under the jurisdiction of the Archbishop of Ohrid. Brushing aside Chomatianos' vehement objections, Stefan managed to have his brother Rastko, renamed Sava, consecrated by Manuel Sarantenos as autocephalous archbishop of Serbia in 1219.[29][30] Theodore took care not to let the quarrels of the churchmen affect his cordial relations with the Serbian ruler.[31][32]

Theodore's drive into Macedonia disquieted another local strongman, Alexius Slav, ruler of Melnik. A sworn enemy of Boril, Alexius had been abandoned by his erstwhile ally, the Latin Emperor, Henry of Flanders (r. 1205–16), who in 1213 allied himself with Bulgaria. Facing a possible attack by Theodore as well, Alexius now preferred to make common cause with him, and married a niece of Theodore's wife.[33][34]

擒获皮耶尔二世

The Epirote successes in Macedonia worried the Latins, as they opened the way to another attack on Thessalonica. The Kingdom of Thessalonica had been much weakened after the death of its founder, Boniface of Montferrat, in 1207, since which it had been ruled by a regency for his underage son Demetrius (r. 1207–24). Interrupting a campaign against the Nicaeans in Asia Minor, Henry of Flanders hastened to Thessalonica. He took up contact with Boril and was preparing to march against Theodore when he suddenly died on 11 June 1216, probably of malaria, although poisoning by his second wife Maria of Bulgaria has also been suggested. The death of the warlike Henry, followed by that of Pope Innocent III, the instigator of the Fourth Crusade, a month later, was a major stroke of good fortune for Theodore as it removed two of his most eminent and capable opponents.[35]

Sketch of a medieval seal showing a mounted knight, sword unsheathed, charging towards the right
Seal of Peter of Courtenay

The barons of the Latin Empire then elected Peter II of Courtenay, a cousin of King Philip II Augustus of France, as the new Latin Emperor. Receiving news of his election, Peter assembled a small army of 160 knights and 5,500 foot and horse, and set out from France. After being crowned by Pope Honorius III in Rome, he set sail from Brindisi in April 1217.[22][36] Peter landed at Dyrrhachium, which he had promised to conquer and return to Venice, while his wife Yolanda of Flanders sailed on to Constantinople. As in the Norman invasion of William II of Sicily (r. 1166–89) in 1185, Peter intended (after capturing Dyrrhachium) to follow the ancient Via Egnatia to Thessalonica, wresting Albania and Macedonia from Epirote control in the process.[37][38]

The commonly accepted version of events is that Dyrrhachium resisted with success, and as his casualties mounted Peter was forced to raise the siege and start his march towards Thessalonica. The march proved difficult, due to both the harsh terrain and the open hostility of the local population—the Western sources (the Annales Ceccanenses, Richard of San Germano, Philippe Mouskes, and the continuator of Robert of Auxerre) also stress the loyalty of the local Albanian population to Theodore.[39] After a few days, Theodore with his army confronted Peter. Theodore requested talks with the papal legate, Giovanni Colonna, whom he assured of his goodwill and support. Western sources claim that Theodore offered to recognize the primacy of the Catholic Church and the suzerainty of the Latin Empire—as well as to support Peter in his planned participation in the Fifth Crusade[40]—and offered the Latins food and guides through the mountains. Peter was glad to receive this unexpected help, and an agreement between the two was concluded. As soon as the Latins let their guard down, Theodore fell upon them. Peter of Courtenay, Colonna, the Latin Bishop of Salona, Count William I of Sancerre, and many Latin nobles were taken captive, while Peter's army scattered into small roving bands trying to survive.[41] Akropolites, the chronicler Ephraim, and some Western sources on the other hand claim that Dyrrhachium was captured, and are followed by some modern scholars, including the Greek I. D. Romanos and the French Alain Ducellier. According to this view, Theodore offered to acknowledge Peter's suzerainty after the city's fall, only to treacherously ambush and defeat him. As the historian John Van Antwerp Fine remarks, "it is not important which version is correct"; the outcome was the same, and if lost, Dyrrhachium was quickly retaken after Peter's capture.[25][42]

According to Philip Van Tricht, Theodore's actions were motivated by several factors, which led him to regard Peter as a threat to himself and his principality. Peter's attempt to return Dyrrhachium to Venice, even if it had failed for the moment, boded ill for the future. Peter's recognition of the rights of Demetrius' half-brother William VI of Montferrat over Thessalonica opened the way for William to take power there, and Theodore was loath to see Thessalonica—whose rulers still claimed suzerainty over Epirus—strengthened, particularly given the presence of his exiled nephew Michael II in the court of the Latin Principality of Achaea. At the same time, Theodore and his court resented the increased papal interference in Greek affairs, especially in the aftermath of the mission of Cardinal Pelagius, the previous papal legate to Constantinople, whose actions had deepened the rift between Greeks and Latins further.[43]

与拉丁帝国一战

Whatever the true course of events, Theodore's unexpected victory echoed throughout the Greek world, and greatly enhanced his standing; even the usually hostile Akropolites was forced to admit in his history that this feat was "of great help to the Romans".[44] Conversely it dismayed Pope Honorius, who sent letters to the Latin princes of Greece as well as the Doge of Venice and Peter of Courtenay's son-in-law King Andrew II of Hungary (r. 1205–35), urging them to engage themselves to secure the release of Peter and Colonna. He even wrote to Andrew and the French bishops to call for a crusade against Theodore, with which he also threatened Theodore in a letter. With the first contingents for the crusade assembling at Ancona in late 1217, and the Venetians eager to profit from the crusade to recover Dyrrhachium, the pressure bore fruit: in March 1218, Colonna was released, with Theodore offering his apologies and assurances of loyalty to the Pope. Honorius then changed his policy to the point of forbidding the Doge of Venice to harm Theodore in the slightest, hoping thereby to secure the release of more prisoners. Although some of the lesser barons were freed, Peter and many of the most senior lords remained in captivity until their death. It is unknown when Peter of Courtenay died, but this was probably before September 1219.[45][46]

The capture of Peter of Courtenay left both major Latin states in Greece, Thessalonica and Constantinople, in the hands of female regents. Before arriving in Constantinople, where she gave birth to Peter's posthumous son, Baldwin II (r. 1228–73), Yolanda had stopped at the Peloponnese. There she quickly came to appreciate the wealth and strength of the Principality of Achaea, and arranged the marriage of her daughter Agnes to the principality's heir, Geoffrey II of Villehardouin (r. c. 1229–46). A politically astute ruler, Yolanda also secured her eastern border by offering her daughter Maria of Courtenay in marriage to Theodore Laskaris, who had just been widowed for the second time.[47]

Before launching his final stroke against Thessalonica, Theodore also took care to secure his southern flank, by appointing his brother Constantine Komnenos Doukas as governor in Aetolia and Acarnania. An energetic governor, Constantine not only effectively shielded the Epirote domains from the threat of the Duchy of Athens, but soon recovered Neopatras and Lamia as well.[48] Theodore himself turned his attention to clearing Thessaly of any remaining Latin presence, culminating in the surrender of the great Platamon Castle in 1218. Over the next few years, one by one, Theodore captured the fortresses around Thessalonica itself. Platamon controlled the entrance to the Thermaic Gulf, and with the surrender of Serres in late 1221, Theodore cut the land connection between Constantinople and Thessalonica as well. Thessalonica was left thereby, in the words of John Fine, "more or less an island in the midst of Theodore's possessions".[32][49]

As the fall of Thessalonica appeared imminent, Pope Honorius excommunicated Theodore, ordered an embargo on horses, troops, and supplies from the Adriatic ports, and sent letters to Constantinople urging assistance to Demetrius. Demetrius himself went to Italy to seek aid, being received by the Pope in Rome in March 1222 and by Emperor Frederick II (r. 1220–50) soon after. A crusade was proclaimed against Theodore, and troops began to gather in Italy.[50] In the meantime, the Latin Empire, now under Robert of Courtenay (r. 1221–28), was once more embroiled in warfare with Nicaea as it supported Laskaris' brothers in their challenge against the new Nicaean emperor, John III Doukas Vatatzes (r. 1222–54).[31] The first detachments of the assembling crusade, under Count Oberto II of Biandrate, arrived at Thessalonica in summer 1222 and joined the de facto regent, Guy Pallavicini. Theodore now hastened his move against Thessalonica. After preliminary operations in late 1222, in early 1223 he laid siege to the city.[51] Honorius excommunicated him again, and redoubled his effort to promote the crusade, which had come to a standstill in the meantime. At the Pope's urging, Venice and Emperor Frederick promised aid. Robert of Courtenay also pledged to assist, while Honorius called upon the Latin princes of southern Greece to join in the effort. The crusade finally assembled at Brindisi in March 1224. In his instructions to his legate, however, Honorius did not rule out the possibility of Theodore coming to terms with the Crusaders.[52] True to his word, in April 1224 Robert of Courtenay sent an army to besiege Serres. During the siege, the Latin generals learned of the disastrous defeat of the main Latin army at the hands of John III Doukas Vatatzes at the Battle of Poimanenon. They lifted the siege and hastened back to Constantinople, only to be intercepted by Theodore's men; most of the Latin army were killed or taken prisoner.[53]

This double disaster destroyed the Pope's plans for the crusade, as he had envisaged it to land in Theodore's rear while he was engaged with Robert's army. At the same time, the prospective leader of the crusade, William VI of Montferrat, fell ill. In November, the Pope was forced to postpone the crusade's departure for the next spring.[53] With news of the Latin defeats and the postponement of the crusade, the exhausted defenders of Thessalonica surrendered the city to Theodore sometime in December 1224.[54][55] The crusade to relieve it sailed in March 1225, and landed in Thessaly at Halmyros. The Crusader army was soon decimated by dysentery, allegedly because the Greeks had poisoned the local water supply. William of Montferrat himself succumbed to it, and the remnants of the army left Greece. Demetrius of Montferrat still hoped to recover his realm with the help of Frederick II, but died in 1227.[56][57]

塞萨洛尼基皇帝

更多信息：Empire of Thessalonica
Obverse and reverse of a silver coin; the former with a standing image of the Virgin Mary, the latter with two standing figures, the left one dressed in regalia and the right one as a warrior saint, handing a castle to the former
Billon trachy coin of Theodore as Emperor of Thessalonica

The capture of Thessalonica, traditionally the second city of the Byzantine Empire after Constantinople, was a major stroke against the Latins and greatly boosted Theodore's standing, so much that he now regarded himself as superior to Vatatzes, and openly claimed the Byzantine imperial title by putting on the purple boots reserved to the emperor.[58][59] Indeed, one of his major supporters, the eminent Metropolitan of Naupaktos, John Apokaukos, in a letter to the Patriarch in 1222 declared that the Epirotes already regarded Theodore as their "God-sent regent and emperor", and later wrote to Theodore's wife expressing the hope that he might be able to assist at their imperial coronation at Thessalonica.[60]

加冕争议

According to Byzantine custom, the coronation of an emperor could only take place in Constantinople and be performed by the Patriarch; yet Constantinople was still in Latin hands, and the Patriarch (now Germanus II, 1223–40) resided in Nicaea. Theodore thus turned to the Metropolitan of Thessalonica, Constantine Mesopotamites, whom he had just restored to his see after removing the Latin prelate. Mesopotamites however recognized the Patriarch at Nicaea as legitimate, and steadfastly refused to perform the rite, despite pressure from Theodore, his brother Constantine, and John Apokaukos. Rather than submit, he preferred to return to exile.[59][61] In response, in March 1225 Theodore convened a council of the bishops of his domains at Arta, chaired by Apokaukos. The council approved a declaration, composed by Apokaukos, which extolled Theodore's achievements against the Latins and Bulgarians, his liberation of Greek lands, eviction of Catholic priests and restoration of Orthodox bishops, and his imperial descent, and declared that the council recognized only him as emperor. Armed with this declaration, Theodore had the loyal Archbishop of Ohrid, Demetrios Chomatianos, perform the coronation instead.[59][62]

Although Theodore appears to have assumed, and was addressed by, the imperial title almost immediately after the capture of Thessalonica, the date of his actual coronation is unknown.[63] The French scholar Lucien Stiernon places it in the period between June 1227 and April 1228,[64] but the Greek Apostolos D. Karpozilos rejects this, reasoning that Theodore had no obvious reason to delay his coronation for so long, and suggested that he was crowned in 1225, immediately after the council of Arta.[65] Eleni Bees-Seferli on the other hand, based on the letters of Apokaukos, suggests a date between 3 April and August 1227,[66] while Alkmini Stavridou-Zafraka has narrowed the date down to 29 May 1227.[67]

As befitted an emperor, Theodore began setting up a court at his new capital, and dispensed court titles to his relatives and followers. His brothers Manuel and Constantine were raised to the rank of Despot, the long-serving John Plytos became panhypersebastos and mesazon (chief minister), and a number of scions of old Byzantine aristocratic families, who had sought refuge in Epirus, were appointed as provincial governors alongside members of the local aristocracy. The title of doux was used, but unlike earlier times these were mostly civilian governors with little military authority. Theodore awarded titles with such largesse that formerly exclusive titles such as pansebastos sebastos or megalodoxotatos were devalued and came to be held by city notables.[68] To secure his new capital, Theodore instituted a guard of "Tzakones" under a kastrophylax.[69]

Head portrait of a middle-aged man with a dark, forked beard, wearing a golden, jewel-encrusted domed crown
John III Doukas Vatatzes, Emperor of Nicaea, from a 15th-century manuscript of the Extracts of History of John Zonaras

John Vatatzes initially reacted to Theodore's proclamation as emperor by offering to recognize him as a sort of viceroy in his lands, but Theodore rejected this and publicly assumed the full titulature of the Byzantine emperors, as "basileus and autokrator of the Romans".[70] Theodore's coronation deepened the rift between the western Greeks and Nicaea, which once again was expressed in the ecclesiastic sphere. At first, the Nicaeans tried to limit the blame to Chomatianos: though writing respectfully of Theodore himself, Patriarch Germanus II expressed his indignation at the presumption of Chomatianos in usurping the patriarchal privilege of crowning an emperor, while Chomatianos claimed that, as the successor of the ancient see of Justiniana Prima, he was an independent prelate and had the authority to do so.[59][71]

In 1227, a synod of Epirote bishops in Arta tried to find a compromise, acknowledging the overall authority of the Patriarch at Nicaea but requesting administrative autonomy, i.e. the right for Theodore to appoint bishops in his domains. They gave the Patriarch three months to reply, and suggested that if he did not heed their proposals, they might be forced to recognize the supremacy of the Pope instead. Germanus replied by having the patriarchal synod condemn Theodore's assumption of the imperial title. The conflict escalated when Germanus appointed his own candidate to the vacant see of Dyrrhachium. Theodore expelled the bishop, and the Epirote synod instead elected a friend of Chomatianos, Constantine Kabasilas, as the bishop. Germanus now attacked Theodore directly. In response, George Bardanes composed a letter to Germanus, which insisted on Epirote ecclesiastical autonomy and challenged the very legality of Germanus' claims to the patriarchate. The result was a full schism between the Nicaean and Epirote churches that lasted until 1232/3.[72][73]

进入色雷斯

Following Theodore's coronation, there were four rulers who claimed the imperial title and vied for control of Constantinople: Theodore, the Latin Emperor, Robert of Courtenay, John III Doukas Vatatzes of Nicaea, and the young but ambitious John II Asen (r. 1218–41) of Bulgaria. The Latin Empire was a shadow of its former strength: following Poimanenon, the Latins had lost most of their territories in Asia, while in Europe, it was soon reduced to the environs of Constantinople itself.[74][75] Already in 1224, or at least in 1225, Theodore captured Chalcidice with Mount Athos,[74] and in spring 1225, he advanced through eastern Macedonia and western Thrace, seizing Christopolis, Xanthi, Gratianopolis, Mosynopolis and Didymoteicho.[76] In an attempt to pre-empt him and block his advance onto Constantinople, the Nicaeans had answered the summons of the inhabitants of Adrianople and taken over the city from the Latins. Theodore however crossed the Evros River and blockaded the city, until it agreed to surrender. The Nicaean army, under the protostrator John Ises and John Kammytzes, was allowed to withdraw unmolested to Asia with ships provided by Theodore.[74][77]

The capture of Adrianople opened the path to Constantinople for Theodore. In order to secure his northern flank, he concluded an alliance with John Asen, sealed by the (second) marriage of his brother Manuel to Maria, an illegitimate daughter of Asen.[78][79] At the same time, the Latins turned to Nicaea and concluded a peace treaty in exchange for further territorial concessions. This pact too was sealed by a marriage, of Theodore Laskaris' daughter Eudokia to the Latin baron Anseau de Cayeux.[79][80] In the same summer of 1225, Theodore led his army to the environs of Constantinople, reaching the towns of Bizye and Vrysis. Anseau de Cayeux, leading the Latin army, was heavily wounded in the clashes, but Constantinople itself was not attacked. Not only was Theodore unprepared for a siege against the mighty Theodosian Walls, but news of William of Montferrat's landing at Thessaly forced him to break off operations and return west.[81]

For reasons that are unknown, Theodore did not renew his attack on Constantinople in 1226 or the years thereafter.[80] Instead, he seems to have occupied himself with domestic affairs, as well as taking care to improve relations with Frederick II during the latter's stop-over at Corfu and Cephallonia to lead the Sixth Crusade in 1228. In 1229, he even sent a company of Greek troops to serve under Frederick in Italy. At the same time, Theodore presided over a rupture in relations with Venice, after his governor in Corfu sequestered the cargo of a shipwrecked Venetian ship. Theodore issued an edict on 19 August 1228 prohibiting Venetian merchants from practising commerce in his realm.[82] In January of the same year, Robert of Courtenay died, leaving the throne of the Latin Empire to his eleven-year-old brother, Baldwin II. With a regency taking over the governance of the state, the Latin Empire stood further enfeebled. At this moment, John Asen offered an alliance. Baldwin II would marry his daughter Helena, while John Asen would take over the regency and lend his assistance at repelling Theodore's attacks. The Latin barons viewed the offer with mistrust, as it would offer John Asen every opportunity to take over Constantinople himself; instead, they strung out negotiations, and eventually chose the 80-year-old but energetic John of Brienne (r. 1229–37) as regent.[83][84] Although the Bulgarian offer failed, it served to open a rift between Theodore and his nominal ally. In a move clearly directed against John Asen, in September 1228, Theodore agreed to a one-year truce with the Latin Empire's regent, Narjot of Toucy, with the border between the two empires running along a line from Ainos to Vrysis.[85][86]

战败被囚

Modern painting of a standing man dressed in a green tunic, red cape, holding a sceptre and globus cruciger and wearing a gold-and-red crown
伊凡·亚森二世的现代肖像
克罗克特尼察战役双方进军路线图，红色为伊凡· 亚森的军队，蓝色则是狄奥多尔的军队。

File:Battle_of_Klokotnitsa.png Finally, in late 1229, Theodore began assembling his forces at Thessalonica—including a contingent of troops sent by Frederick II—for the projected final attack on Constantinople. As his troops marched east in spring 1230, he unexpectedly turned his army north and followed the Evros valley into Bulgaria. Theodore's motives for this sudden change are debated. Contemporary and later historians like Akropolites denounced this as a sign of Theodore's duplicity and treachery. A more likely suggestion is that Theodore, hitherto undefeated in battle, desired to check Bulgarian power and avoid the possibility of the Bulgarians striking in his rear while he was engaged in besieging Constantinople.[87][88] Although caught by surprise, John Asen reacted rapidly. Allegedly affixing the text of the broken treaty to one of his spears as a flag, he rallied his troops and met Theodore in battle in April 1230. The ensuing Battle of Klokotnitsa was a crushing victory for the Bulgarian ruler, who took Theodore and many of his officers captive.[88][89]

In the aftermath of Klokotnitsa, Bulgaria emerged as the mightiest power in the Balkans. Deprived of its energetic ruler, Theodore's empire collapsed: within a few months Thrace, most of Macedonia, and Albania, fell under Bulgarian rule. As John Asen boasted in an inscription in the Holy Forty Martyrs Church at his capital of Tarnovo, he "occupied all the land from Adrianople to Dyrrhachium, Greek, Serbian, and Albanian alike", although Dyrrhachium itself apparently remained in Greek hands. The Latin Duchy of Philippopolis was also annexed, and Alexius Slav's principality in the Rhodope Mountains was extinguished in the process, with Alexius spending the rest of his life at Asen's court.[88][90]

Theodore's brother Manuel, who managed to escape from Klokotnitsa, now took over the throne in Thessalonica. His domain was reduced to the environs of the city and his family's core territories in Epirus and Thessaly, as well as Dyrrhachium and Corfu, while his brother Constantine in Aetolia and Acarnania recognized his suzerainty. As a son-in-law of John Asen, Manuel was allowed to maintain internal autonomy, but to all intents and purposes he was a client of the Bulgarian Tsar.[91][92] At about the same time, Michael I's bastard son Michael II returned from exile and quickly succeeded, apparently with the support of the local population, in taking over control of Epirus. Manuel was forced to recognize the fait accompli under the pretense that Michael recognized his suzerainty, in token of which Manuel conferred him the title of Despot. In reality Michael was fully independent, and very quickly ceased to acknowledge Manuel's suzerainty; by 1236, he had seized Corfu.[93] In order to preserve some freedom of manoeuvre and counter Asen's attempts to subordinate the Epirote Church to the Bulgarian Church of Tarnovo, Manuel turned to his brother's erstwhile rivals in Nicaea and brought an end to the ecclesiastical schism by acknowledging the legitimacy and superiority of the Nicaea-based Patriarch.[94][95]

Theodore himself remained in captivity at Tarnovo for seven years.[96] Initially he was treated with honour, but at some point during his captivity he was accused of plotting against John Asen and blinded as a result.[97] This was the customary Byzantine punishment for treason and means of sidelining potential political rivals.[98] According to a contemporary letter written in Hebrew, Asen initially ordered two Jews to carry out the deed, for Theodore had been persecuting the Jews in his territory and confiscating their wealth to fund his campaigns. Theodore begged to be spared, and they refused to carry out the blinding, whereupon the enraged Tsar had them thrown from a cliff.[99] Finally, in 1237 Theodore was released when Asen, recently widowed, fell in love with Theodore's sole unmarried daughter, Irene. Immediately after the marriage, Theodore was released and allowed to depart Tarnovo to wherever he wished.[96][100]

回归与晚年

恢复塞萨洛尼基

Obverse and reverse of a dark-coloured coin; the former with an image of a four-winged angel, the latter with two standing figures, the left one dressed in regalia and the right one as a warrior saint, holding a sword between them
Billon trachy of John Komnenos Doukas as Emperor of Thessalonica

As soon as he was set free, Theodore returned to Thessalonica. Lacking any escort or followers, he disguised himself as a beggar in order to enter the city in secret. There he contacted old supporters and favourites, and organized a conspiracy that soon ousted Manuel and took over the city. As Byzantine custom barred him from re-assuming the imperial office due to his blinding, Theodore installed his son John Komnenos Doukas (r. 1237–44) as emperor (without a coronation ceremony), but remained the real ruler of the empire in his son's name.[100][101] John himself appears to have been mostly interested in religion, and more inclined to enter a monastery than to become emperor. Theodore had to persuade him that being named emperor was a God-given gift, and that he was indeed the rightful Emperor of the Romans due to his imperial descent.[102]

The deposed Manuel was sent to exile at Attaleia in Asia Minor, while his wife Maria was allowed to return to her father. Despite Theodore's actions and the overthrow of his daughter and son-in-law, Akropolites reports that John Asen remained favourably disposed towards Theodore due to his passionate love for Irene.[101] Manuel did not remain quiescent in exile; determined to avenge himself, from Attaleia he secured passage through Turkish lands to Nicaea. There John Vatatzes welcomed him and agreed to support him, but not before he secured from Manuel oaths of loyalty to himself. Thus in early 1239 Manuel with six Nicaean ships set sail for Greece, landing near Demetrias in Thessaly.[100][103] He received widespread support in the province, perhaps even from the local governor, Michael I's son-in-law Constantine Maliasenos, allowing him to raise an army and in a short time occupy Farsala, Larissa, and Platamon. Faced with the option of open civil war, Manuel and Theodore eventually came to terms by dividing the territories of Thessalonica among themselves. Manuel renounced his allegiance to Vatatzes and received Thessaly, John and Theodore kept Thessalonica and the remaining parts of Macedonia as far west as Vodena and Ostrovo, and Constantine was confirmed in his appanage of Aetolia and Acarnania.[100][104] To further secure their position, both Theodore and Michael concluded treaties with the powerful Prince of Achaea, Geoffrey II of Villehardouin.[104]

归从尼西亚

Michael II in Epirus was not part of the brothers' agreement, and continued to pursue his own policies independently of his uncles. In 1241, when Manuel died, Michael moved quickly to occupy Thessaly.[105][106] In June of the same year, John Asen died, leaving the throne to his seven-year-old son Kaliman (r. 1241–46). Coupled with the increasingly deteriorating situation of the Latin Empire, this development left John Vatatzes of Nicaea as the pre-eminent ruler of the region, and the obvious candidate for the capture of Constantinople.[106][107]

Before undertaking any moves against Constantinople, Vatatzes realized the need to settle affairs with Thessalonica, and in particular with Theodore, whose ambition, capability, and machinations he feared. In 1240 or 1241 he therefore issued an invitation, with assurances of safe-conduct, to Theodore to visit Nicaea. Theodore accepted, and was treated with great honours by Vatatzes, who deferred to him as his "uncle" and dined with him at the same table. In reality, Theodore was a prisoner in Nicaea; he was not allowed to leave, and throughout his sojourn in the Nicaean court, preparations were in full swing for a campaign against Thessalonica.[108][102] In spring 1242, Vatatzes crossed over into Europe at the head of his army, with Theodore accompanying him as an honorary prisoner. Facing no resistance, the Nicaean army and fleet arrived before Thessalonica. The city's garrison and inhabitants resisted with success and the Nicaean army, lacking heavy siege equipment, had to settle for a drawn-out blockade. Soon, however, news arrived of a Mongol invasion of Asia Minor, which forced Vatatzes to break off the campaign and return to Nicaea. Nevertheless, the Nicaean emperor kept this news a secret, and sent Theodore to his son to negotiate. John himself reportedly was willing to surrender the city outright, but his father convinced him to hold out for better terms. In the end, after 40 days of negotiations, John was allowed to keep control of Thessalonica, but renounced his imperial title and accepted Nicaean suzerainty and the title of Despot. Theodore was also allowed to remain at Thessalonica at his son's side.[108][109]

John ruled as Despot in Thessalonica for two years, until his death in 1244. Theodore himself retired to Vodena, from where he supervised the affairs of state. On John's death he raised his younger son Demetrios Komnenos Doukas (r. 1244–46) in his place, and sent an embassy to Nicaea to announce the succession, as befitted the terms of vassalage agreed in 1242.[110] If John was a religious ascetic, Demetrios was a dissolute youngster who enjoyed partying with his favourites and seducing married women. Although Theodore remained in charge of governance, Demetrios quickly became so unpopular that many leading citizens began viewing direct Nicaean rule with favour.[111][112]

Things came to a head in autumn 1246, when Kaliman of Bulgaria died, leaving the country in the hands of a regency for his younger brother Michael Asen (r. 1246–57). Vatatzes quickly attacked Bulgaria, and within three months captured most of Thrace and all of eastern and northern Macedonia, while Michael II of Epirus also took advantage of the opportunity to expand into Albania and northwestern Macedonia.[113][114] At the close of this campaign in November, as Vatatzes was encamped at Melnik, he was informed of a conspiracy to depose Demetrios and deliver Thessalonica to him in exchange for a chrysobull guaranteeing the traditional rights and privileges of the city. Vatatzes readily granted this, and sent envoys to Demetrios calling for him to appear in person at his camp. Demetrios, suspicious of Vatatzes' intentions, refused, and the Nicaeans marched on Thessalonica. After a few days, the conspirators opened one of the gates to the Nicaean army, and the city was quickly captured. Demetrios was captured and exiled to Lentiana in Bithynia, while Thessalonica and all of Macedonia were placed under the governance of the Grand Domestic Andronikos Palaiologos.[112][115] Theodore himself, isolated and without power in his refuge at Vodena, apparently remained uninvolved in these events.[116]

最后一搏与逝世

With Thessalonica secured, Vatatzes turned to Epirus, offering Michael II a marriage alliance between Michael's eldest son Nikephoros and his own granddaughter Maria. The offer was enthusiastically accepted by Michael's wife, Theodora Petraliphaina, and the young couple were engaged at Pegae.[117] Michael, who had not abandoned his family's ambitions, remained ambivalent about the Nicaean alliance, and Theodore used his influence over his nephew to turn him against it. Thus, in spring 1251, Michael launched a sudden attack on Thessalonica. The city resisted successfully, and in spring of the next year Vatatzes once more crossed into Europe to campaign against the Komnenoi Doukai. Theodore with Michael had turned to the north, capturing Prilep and Veles, and when they received news of Vatatzes' arrival, they withdrew to Epirus via Kastoria. Vatatzes besieged and captured Theodore's stronghold of Vodena, but soon became bogged down in skirmishing in the area of Kastoria. The stalemate was broken when two Epirote generals, John Glabas and Theodore Petraliphas, defected to the Nicaeans, followed shortly after by the ruler of Kruja, Golem. This forced Michael to come to terms with Vatatzes, ceding the fortresses he had captured as well as his remaining holdings in Macedonia, and reconfirming the marriage alliance with Nicaea. Furthermore, Vatatzes explicitly demanded the handing over of Theodore. The Epirote ambassadors met Vatatzes at Vodena, where they offered Theodore and the young Nikephoros as hostages. The latter was granted the title of Despot and soon allowed to return to Epirus, but Theodore was moved as a prisoner to Asia Minor. He died shortly after, around 1253.[118][119]

评论

研究科穆宁王朝的传记作者瓦佐斯（Konstantinos Varzos）把狄奥多尔形容为一个“精力旺盛、手握资源、胸怀壮志的政治家，又继承了祖先阿历克塞一世的坚忍，但是缺乏其智慧、度量和外交手腕。” 瓦佐斯更进一步指出：虽然狄奥多尔有能力，不过他试图夺回君士坦丁堡的野心，还有与尼西亚帝国水火不容的竞争确实使拜占庭帝国晚了数十年恢复。[120]

狄奥多尔的所作所为在许多希腊人心中留下长久的影响。拜占庭学家唐纳·尼克尔（英语：Donald Nicol）谈到：“狄奥多尔·杜卡斯的胜利和他拜占庭皇位的头衔在往后很多年仍然存在于希腊北部和他的后代子孙心中。”[121]米开尔二世延续他的叔叔和尼西亚帝国的斗争，更让拜占庭重回君士坦丁堡的一日被推迟。[122]甚至于1261年尼西亚帝国皇帝米海尔八世取回君士坦丁堡后，伊庇鲁斯的统治者们将继续挑战这复苏的帝国，坚持捍卫自己声称的拜占庭帝位。[123]

家庭

狄奥多尔与其妻玛丽亚·佩特拉里法伊娜育有二子二女：[124]

  1. 安娜·安格莉娜·科穆宁·杜卡伊娜（英语：Anna Angelina Komnene Doukaina），嫁给塞尔维亚国王斯提凡·拉多斯拉夫（英语：Stefan Radoslav）。
  2. 约翰·科穆宁·杜卡斯（英语：John Komnenos Doukas），于1237年成为塞萨洛尼基皇帝。
  3. 伊丽妮·科穆宁·杜卡伊娜（英语：Irene Komnene Doukaina），嫁给伊凡·亚森二世（英语：Ivan Asen II of Bulgaria）。
  4. 迪米特里欧斯·科穆宁·杜卡斯（英语：Demetrios Komnenos Doukas），于1244年继承塞萨洛尼基皇帝。

脚注

^  a:  虽然现代史学家通常称这时的伊庇鲁斯“伊庇鲁斯专制国”，而且把专制君主的称号冠在米开尔一世和狄奥多尔上，不过这并非完全正确，因为他们俩都厌恶这个称呼。到了1230年代米开尔二世当上伊庇鲁斯统治者后才具此称，然而直至14世纪才有西方文献将伊庇鲁斯指为专制国。[125][126]

参考资料

  1. ^ Varzos 1984，第548页.
  2. ^ Loenertz 1973，第362页.
  3. ^ 3.0 3.1 Polemis 1968，第89 (note 2)页.
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  5. ^ Nicol 2010，第3页.
  6. ^ Varzos 1984，第549–551 (notes 3, 4)页.
  7. ^ Polemis 1968，第89页.
  8. ^ Varzos 1984，第553–554页.
  9. ^ Loenertz 1973，第374, 390–391页.
  10. ^ Fine 1994，第67页.
  11. ^ ODB，"Theodore Komnenos Doukas" (M. J. Angold), p. 2042.
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  13. ^ Polemis 1968，第90页.
  14. ^ Fine 1994，第68页.
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  16. ^ Van Tricht 2011，第242页.
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  23. ^ 23.0 23.1 Varzos 1984，第556页.
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  27. ^ Fine 1994，第114–115页.
  28. ^ Fine 1994，第115–116页.
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  53. ^ 53.0 53.1 Varzos 1984，第573页.
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  55. ^ Lognon 1950，第141–146页.
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  64. ^ Stiernon 1964，第197–202页.
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  71. ^ Varzos 1984，第579–580, 590–595页.
  72. ^ Fine 1994，第120–121页.
  73. ^ Varzos 1984，第592–600页.
  74. ^ 74.0 74.1 74.2 Fine 1994，第122页.
  75. ^ Varzos 1984，第601–603页.
  76. ^ Varzos 1984，第603页.
  77. ^ Varzos 1984，第603–604页.
  78. ^ Fine 1994，第122–123页.
  79. ^ 79.0 79.1 Varzos 1984，第604页.
  80. ^ 80.0 80.1 Fine 1994，第123页.
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  93. ^ Fine 1994，第128页.
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  98. ^ ODB，"Blinding" (A. Kazhdan), pp. 297–298.
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  100. ^ 100.0 100.1 100.2 100.3 Fine 1994，第133页.
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  102. ^ 102.0 102.1 Varzos 1984，第622页.
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  104. ^ 104.0 104.1 Varzos 1984，第619页.
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  106. ^ 106.0 106.1 Varzos 1984，第620–621页.
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  108. ^ 108.0 108.1 Fine 1994，第134页.
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  111. ^ Varzos 1984，第626页.
  112. ^ 112.0 112.1 Fine 1994，第157页.
  113. ^ Varzos 1984，第626–628页.
  114. ^ Fine 1994，第156–157页.
  115. ^ Varzos 1984，第628–630页.
  116. ^ Varzos 1984，第630页.
  117. ^ Varzos 1984，第630–631页.
  118. ^ Varzos 1984，第631–635页.
  119. ^ Fine 1994，第157–158页.
  120. ^ Varzos 1984，第636页.
  121. ^ Nicol 1993，第20–21页.
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资料来源

延伸阅读

统治者头衔
前任者：
米开尔一世·科穆宁·杜卡斯（英语：Michael I Komnenos Doukas） 		伊庇鲁斯专制国统治者
1215–1224 		空缺
伊庇鲁斯归属塞萨洛尼基帝国（英语：Empire of Thessalonica）
下一位持有相同头衔者：
米开尔二世·科穆宁·杜卡斯（英语：Michael II Komnenos Doukas）
新头衔 塞萨洛尼基帝国皇帝（英语：Emperor of Thessalonica）
1224年–1230年 		继任者：
曼努埃尔·科穆宁·杜卡斯（英语：Manuel Doukas）
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