使用者:SSYoung/Sandbox5

GOP - Dem

哈維·米爾克 Harvey Milk
1978年，哈維·米爾克坐在舊金山市長喬治·莫斯科尼的辦公桌旁
舊金山監督委員會第5選區委員
任期 1978年1月8日 (1978-01-08)—1978年11月27日 (1978-11-27)
前任	無（新設選區）
繼任	哈利·布里特
選區	舊金山監督委員會第5選區（卡斯楚街、海特-阿什伯理、杜伯賽三角、諾伊谷）
個人資料
出生	Harvey Bernard Milk 哈維·伯納德·米爾克 (1930-05-22)1930年5月22日 美國紐約州納蘇縣伍德米爾
逝世	1978年11月27日(1978歲—11—27)（48歲） 美國加利福尼亞州舊金山
死因	槍擊、暗殺
政黨	民主黨（1972年－1978年）
其他政黨	共和黨（1972年之前）
母校	紐約州立大學奧爾巴尼分校
職業	政治人物、商人
獲獎	總統自由勳章（2009年追授）
軍事背景
效忠	美利堅合眾國
服役	美國海軍
服役時間	1951年－1955年
軍銜	海軍中尉
部隊	三趾鷗號潛艇救援艦

哈維·伯納德·米爾克（英語：Harvey Bernard Milk，1930年5月22日—1978年11月27日）是一位美國政治人物，是美國政壇中最早公開性取向的同性戀者之一，被視為該國LGBT權利運動的先鋒人物。他在早年未公開自己的同性戀身份，甚少參與政治事務和同性戀權益議題，但在1960年代反文化運動之後決定出櫃並踏入政壇。1977年，米爾克當選舊金山監督委員會委員，成為加利福尼亞州歷史上第一位經民選獲得公職的公開同性戀者。

Milk moved from New York City to settle in San Francisco in 1972 amid a migration of gay men to the Castro District. He took advantage of the growing political and economic power of the neighborhood to promote his interests, and three times ran unsuccessfully for political office. His theatrical campaigns earned him increasing popularity, and Milk won a seat as a city supervisor in 1977, his election made possible by, and a key component of, a shift in San Francisco politics.

Milk served almost 11 months in office and was responsible for passing a stringent gay rights ordinance for the city. On November 27, 1978, Milk and Mayor George Moscone were assassinated by Dan White, another city supervisor, who had recently resigned to pursue a private business enterprise but who had sought to get his position back after that endeavor failed.

Despite his short career in politics, Milk became an icon in San Francisco and a martyr in the gay community. In 2002, Milk was called "the most famous and most significantly open LGBT official ever elected in the United States". Anne Kronenberg, his final campaign manager, wrote of him: "What set Harvey apart from you or me was that he was a visionary. He imagined a righteous world inside his head and then he set about to create it for real, for all of us." Milk was posthumously awarded the Presidential Medal of Freedom in 2009.

早年生活和家庭

哈維·米爾克（右）和哥哥羅伯特，攝於1934年

家庭背景

哈維·米爾克於1930年5月22日在美國紐約州納蘇縣伍德米爾出生，父親威廉·米爾克（William Milk）和母親密涅瓦·卡恩斯（Minerva Karns）都是立陶宛裔。米爾克家族是立陶宛猶太人，原姓「米爾奇」（Milch）。哈維的祖父莫里斯（Morris）帶家人自立陶宛移民美國，改姓「米爾克」，在伍德米爾經營長島最大的百貨商店，還協助在當地建立了第一座猶太會堂。哈維的父親威廉出生在立陶宛，與莫里斯一同移民，曾在家族商店中工作一段時間，之後到西部成為牛仔，在第一次世界大戰中加入了美國海軍。哈維的母親密涅瓦最初居住在布魯克林，一戰爆發後同樣加入海軍，成為海軍文書軍士，是美國海軍最早一批女兵之一。二人在戰後回到紐約，威廉繼續在父親的商店中工作，密涅瓦則成為一名速記員。兩人成婚後育有二子，長子羅伯特（Robert）於1926年出生，哈維·米爾克是他們的次子。

童年到青少年

米爾克很早就知道自己與眾不同，青少年時期逐漸認識到自己的性取向。他靠自己獨立摸索出各種經驗，了解到如何結識其他同性戀者，如何躲避警察的抓捕，14歲時已經有了「活躍的同性性生活」。但他一直將性取向隱瞞起來，未向任何人吐露這一秘密。1945年第二次世界大戰歐戰結束後，米爾克一家搬到紐約州蘇福克縣貝肖爾居住，米爾克就在這裡就讀高中。他在青少年時期身材高大，長着大鼻子、大耳朵和一雙大腳，同伴常常因此戲弄他。他為人風趣健談，對此並不介意，總是和夥伴互相取笑，在同學中廣受歡迎，但他沒有十分親密的朋友。米爾克在高中期間熱愛體育運動，是學校籃球隊的主力隊員，在美式足球隊中司職線衛，亦曾參與田徑和摔跤。他還喜愛歌劇，每周都會到曼哈頓百老匯觀看，但不曾告訴其他同學。

1947年6月23日，米爾克自高中畢業，同年進入紐約州教師學院（今紐約州立大學奧爾巴尼分校）學習數學專業，輔修歷史。他在大學期間加入了一個猶太人兄弟會並執教其籃球隊獲得校內冠軍，還在學校報社任體育編輯。他的社交生活多是猶太教活動，少有約會，其同學日後回憶稱他十分合群、交友廣泛，性格迷人但從不表現自己的感情，也沒有什麼知心夥伴。他在1950年曾因「擾亂公共秩序」被捕，還辭去了報社編輯一職，其同學從未了解過內幕，也沒有懷疑過他的性取向。米爾克於1951年6月畢業，他的大學同學多認為他是同屆中的佼佼者，但他在畢業後和他們不再聯繫。

事業早期

1954年，米爾克身着海軍制服出席哥哥羅伯特的婚禮

米爾克畢業時，朝鮮戰爭已經爆發。他在畢業後三個月加入美國海軍，在羅德島州紐波特的海軍候補軍官學校接受訓練，成為海軍通訊員。服役期間，米爾克曾在三趾鷗號潛艇救援艦上任潛水軍官，隨後調往聖迭戈的海軍基地任潛水指導員。1955年8月，米爾克以海軍中尉的軍銜退役。他在後來多次宣稱自己是因同性戀身份曝光而遭開除，但這一說法與軍隊的資料不符。美國記者、傳記作家蘭迪·希爾斯在米爾克的傳記中對此提出疑問。希爾斯指出，米爾克在當時尚未投身同性戀平權運動，對自己的性取向也十分謹慎。修辭理論學者凱倫·弗斯（Karen Foss）也稱米爾克在海軍期間未曾暴露自己的性取向，認為他日後的這一說法僅僅是為拉攏選民而刻意誇張的說辭。

退役之後，米爾克曾在洛杉磯、邁阿密等地短暫居住，之後回到紐約。他不能確定自己的事業方向，曾多次更換職業。他最初在伍德米爾的喬治·W·休萊特高中（George W. Hewlett High School）擔任老師，但很快對此失去興趣，只做了一年左右就離職。1956年夏季，米爾克在紐約皇后區結識了19歲的喬·坎貝爾（Joe Campbell）。兩人年齡相差7歲，但很快就互通情書，成為戀人並開始同居。他們逐漸厭煩了紐約的生活，於1957年9月搬到德克薩斯州達拉斯居住，次年2月又搬回紐約。此後，米爾克開始在紐約的大美國保險公司（Great American Insurance Company）任統計師，坎貝爾則從事家具裝飾的工作，兩人過上了穩定的「中產階級婚姻生活」。但到了1960年時，他們的感情卻漸行漸遠。這對情侶最終於1961年7月分手，在1962年正式分居。這也是米爾克一生中最長的一段戀情。

戀情結束後，米爾克再次對紐約生活感到厭倦，一度打算搬到邁阿密和一個女性友人形婚，但最終仍然選擇留在紐約生活。他一直隱藏着自己的感情生活，從不向家人和同事透露。在1962年結識了比自己年輕十歲的克雷格·羅德維爾，開始了新的戀情。Milk tried to keep his early romantic life separate from his family and work. Once again bored and single in New York, he thought of moving to Miami to marry a lesbian friend to "have a front and each would not be in the way of the other". However, he decided to remain in New York, where he secretly pursued gay relationships. In 1962 Milk became involved with Craig Rodwell, who was 10 years younger. Though Milk courted Rodwell ardently, waking him every morning with a call and sending him notes, Milk was uncomfortable with Rodwell's involvement with the New York Mattachine Society, a gay-rights organization. When Rodwell was arrested for walking in Riis Park, and charged with inciting a riot and with indecent exposure (the law required men's swimsuits to extend from above the navel to below the thigh), he spent three days in jail. The relationship soon ended as Milk became alarmed at Rodwell's tendency to agitate the police.

Milk abruptly stopped working as an insurance actuary and became a researcher at the Wall Street firm Bache & Company. He was frequently promoted despite his tendency to offend the older members of the firm by ignoring their advice and flaunting his success. Although he was skilled at his job, co-workers sensed that Milk's heart was not in his work. He started a romantic relationship with Jack Galen McKinley, and recruited him to work on conservative Republican Barry Goldwater's 1964 presidential campaign. Their relationship was troubled. When McKinley first began his relationship with Milk in late 1964, he was 16 years old. He was prone to depression and sometimes threatened to commit suicide if Milk did not show him enough attention. To make a point to McKinley, Milk took him to the hospital where Milk's ex-lover, Joe Campbell, was himself recuperating from a suicide attempt, after his lover Billy Sipple left him. Milk had remained friendly with Campbell, who had entered the avant-garde art scene in Greenwich Village, but Milk did not understand why Campbell's despondency was sufficient cause to consider suicide as an option.

Rise of Castro Street

The Eureka Valley of San Francisco, where Market and Castro Streets intersect, had for decades been a blue-collar Irish Catholic neighborhood synonymous with the Most Holy Redeemer Parish (a few Lutherans of Scandinavian ancestry also lived in the neighborhood). Beginning in the late 1960s, however, young families left the neighborhood and moved to Bay Area suburbs, and the city's economic base eroded as factories moved to cheaper locations nearby and blue-collar port jobs relocated to Oakland. Mayor Joseph Alioto, proud of his working-class background and supporters, based his political career on welcoming developers to provide construction jobs and attracting a Roman Catholic Cardinal to the city. Many blue-collar workers—often Alioto supporters—lost their jobs as large corporations with service industry positions replaced factory and dry dock jobs. San Francisco, which had been "a city of villages", a decentralized city with discrete ethnic enclaves surrounding a local high street, began a demographic change.

As the downtown area developed, neighborhoods suffered, including Castro Street. The Most Holy Redeemer Parish shops shut down, and houses were abandoned and shuttered. In 1963, real estate prices plummeted when most of the working-class families tried to sell their houses quickly after a gay bar opened in the neighborhood. Hippies, attracted to the free love ideals of the Haight-Ashbury area but repulsed by its crime rate, bought some of the cheap Victorian houses. Beginning in the late 1960s, many San Francisco gays who were affluent began to move from the small apartments of the Polk Gulch area, San Francisco's primary gayborhood since the end of World War II, to the large cheap Victorians in the Castro neighborhood.

Since the end of World War II, the major port city of San Francisco had been home to a sizable number of gay men expelled from the military who had decided to stay rather than return to their hometowns and face ostracism. By 1969 the Kinsey Institute believed San Francisco had more gay people per capita than any other American city; when the National Institute of Mental Health asked the Institute to survey homosexuals, the Institute chose San Francisco as its focus. Milk and McKinley were among the thousands of gay men attracted to San Francisco. McKinley was a stage manager for Tom O'Horgan, a director who started his career in experimental theater, but soon graduated to much larger Broadway productions. They arrived in 1969 with the Broadway touring company of Hair. McKinley was offered a job in the New York City production of Jesus Christ Superstar, and their tempestuous relationship came to an end. The city appealed to Milk so much that he decided to stay, working at an investment firm. In 1970, increasingly frustrated with the political climate after the U.S. invasion of Cambodia, Milk let his hair grow long. When told to cut it, he refused and was fired.

Milk drifted from California to Texas to New York, without a steady job or plan. In New York City he became involved with O'Horgan's theater company as a "general aide", signing on as associate producer for Lenny and for Eve Merriam's Inner City. The time he had spent with the cast of flower children wore away much of Milk's conservatism. A contemporary New York Times story about O'Horgan described Milk as "a sad eyed man—another aging hippie with long, long hair, wearing faded jeans and pretty beads". Craig Rodwell read the description of the formerly uptight man and wondered if it could be the same person. One of Milk's Wall Street friends worried that he seemed to have no plan or future, but remembered Milk's attitude: "I think he was happier than at any time I had ever seen him in his entire life."

Milk met Scott Smith, 18 years his junior, and began another relationship. Milk and Smith returned to San Francisco, where they lived on money they had saved. In March 1973, after a roll of film Milk left at a local shop was ruined, he and Smith opened a camera store on Castro Street with their last $1,000.

Changing politics

In the late 1960s, the Society for Individual Rights (SIR) and the Daughters of Bilitis (DOB) began to work against police persecution of gay bars and entrapment in San Francisco. Oral sex was still a felony, and in 1970, nearly 90 people in the city were arrested for having sex in public parks at night. Mayor Alioto asked the police to target the parks, hoping the decision would appeal to the Archdiocese and his Catholic supporters. In 1971, 2,800 gay men were arrested for public sex in San Francisco. By comparison, New York City recorded only 63 arrests for the same offense that year. Any arrest for a morals charge required registration as a sex offender.

Congressman Phillip Burton, Assemblyman Willie Brown, and other California politicians recognized the growing clout and organization of homosexuals in the city, and courted their votes by attending meetings of gay and lesbian organizations. Brown pushed for legalization of sex between consenting adults in 1969 but failed. SIR was also pursued by popular moderate Supervisor Dianne Feinstein in her bid to become mayor, opposing Alioto. Ex-policeman Richard Hongisto worked for 10 years to change the conservative views of the San Francisco Police Department, and also actively appealed to the gay community, which responded by raising significant funds for his campaign for sheriff. Though Feinstein was unsuccessful, Hongisto's win in 1971 showed the political clout of the gay community.

SIR had become powerful enough for political maneuvering. In 1971 SIR members Jim Foster, Rick Stokes, and Advocate publisher David Goodstein formed the Alice B. Toklas Memorial Democratic Club, known as simply "Alice". Alice befriended liberal politicians to persuade them to sponsor bills, proving successful in 1972 when Del Martin and Phyllis Lyon obtained Feinstein's support for an ordinance outlawing employment discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation. Alice chose Stokes to run for a relatively unimportant seat on the community college board. Though Stokes received 45,000 votes, he was quiet, unassuming, and did not win. Foster, however, shot to national prominence by being the first openly gay man to address a political convention. His speech at the 1972 Democratic National Convention ensured that his voice, according to San Francisco politicians, was the one to be heard when they wanted the opinions, and especially the votes, of the gay community.

Milk became more interested in political and civic matters when he was faced with civic problems and policies he disliked. One day in 1973, a state bureaucrat entered Milk's shop Castro Camera and informed him that he owed $100 as a deposit against state sales tax. Milk was incredulous and traded shouts with the man about the rights of business owners; after he complained for weeks at state offices, the deposit was reduced to $30. Milk fumed about government priorities when a teacher came into his store to borrow a projector because the equipment in the schools did not function. Friends also remember around the same time having to restrain him from kicking the television while Attorney General John N. Mitchell gave consistent "I don't recall" replies during the Watergate hearings. Milk decided that the time had come to run for city supervisor. He said later, "I finally reached the point where I knew I had to become involved or shut up".

選舉活動

1973年，米爾克和嫂子奧德麗（Audrey）在卡斯特羅照相館前的合影 Milk, here with his sister-in-law in front of Castro Camera in 1973, had been changed by his experience with the counterculture of the 1960s. Dianne Feinstein, who first met him in 1973, did not recognize him when she met him again in 1978.

初次參選

舊金山同性戀政治界起初對米爾克並不熱情。已經在同性戀運動中活躍多年的吉米·福斯特認為監督委員這一職位地位甚高，而米爾克只是政治新人，因此不願意為他的選舉活動背書。他對米爾克說：「民主黨有一句老話，『你沒先收拾過椅子就不能讓你跳舞』。我從沒見你收拾過椅子。」這種居高臨下的冷落態度激怒了米爾克。福斯特還認為他以同性戀身份參選監督委員過於激進，擔心可能招致自由派人士的反感，失去這一政治盟友。米爾克則認為同性戀人士進入主流政界有利於推動平權運動，而福斯特只是為自己積累政治資本，並不會對社會帶來改變。他和愛麗絲俱樂部自此分道揚鑣。當地的一些變裝皇后和同志酒吧老闆一直與警方的騷擾作鬥爭，他們不滿愛麗絲俱樂部的抗爭手段過於軟弱，於是決定支持米爾克。

按照歷史學者、記者弗朗西絲·菲茲傑拉德的說法，米爾克至此才發現自己的人生使命。她稱米爾克是「天生的政治家」。選舉活動之初，米爾克暴露出自己經驗不足的劣勢。他起初缺乏資金、缺少支持，也沒有為他工作的員工，但認為自己可以依靠全面合理的財政政策，把每個民眾的利益放在大企業和政府利益之上，獲得選民的支持。他支持監督委員會的選舉改革，由全市單一選區統一投票改為多個小選區各自投票選出相應的代表席位，認為改革後的新制度能減少金錢政治的影響，使社區能夠更好地掌控代表自己的監督委員。他的選舉政綱支持公民自由意志主義，反對政府干預個人性事等方面的自由，支持大麻合法化；財政方面則持財政保守主義觀點，支持政府縮減開支。米爾克演講時激情澎湃，又了解媒體的宣傳手段，因此在1973年的選舉中獲得了不少支持。米爾克在這屆選舉中獲得16,900張選票，在卡斯特羅街和其他自由派社區大幅領先，在所有32位候選人中排名第十位。當時舊金山監督委員會的選舉仍然採用全市統一投票，米爾克沒能當選。若這屆選舉採用分選區投票，米爾克已經足以獲得監督委員的席位。

「卡斯特羅街市長」

米爾克在第一次參選時試圖打造成「卡斯特羅街市長」的形象，選舉結果雖不如人意，但他卻逐漸開始成為卡斯特羅街的社區領導。1960年代起，越來越多的同性戀者開始搬到卡斯特羅街居住。到了1973年時，當地的原有的天主教徒居民與新搬來的同性戀者已經逐漸產生矛盾。這一年中，兩位同性戀男子計劃在當地開一間古董店，但這裡的尤里卡谷商會（Eureka Valley Merchants Association）拒絕為他們發放營業執照。在抗爭之後，商店最終得以建立，但新老商人之間的矛盾已經難以調和。米爾克於是集合了卡斯特羅街的年輕同性戀商人，合作建立了新的卡斯特羅村商會（Castro Village Association），他本人當選為會長。他還提出同性戀者應當互相支持生意。1974年8月，米爾克舉辦了首屆卡斯特羅街集市，吸引逾5,000人參與，大大提振了當地的經濟。商會開始在全市獲得名氣，也吸引了越來越多的會員。此前反對他們的商人也在集市中收益頗豐，紛紛加入商會。1974年底，商會已經開始在政界產生影響。卡斯特羅街集市也自此迅速發展成舊金山的年度文化和娛樂盛事，到1977年時參加人數已經達到約70,000人。

1977年，美國勞工聯合會-產業工會聯合會領導罷工抵制庫爾斯釀酒公司。庫爾斯公司一直反對工會運動，無端解僱LGBTQ人士和工會支持者，拒絕僱傭少數族裔和女性，最終引爆了大規模的抗議。工會將議題擴大至種族、性別和性取向平權，吸引了廣泛關注。舊金山當地卡車司機工會領導人之一艾倫·貝爾德（Allan Baird）就出身於卡斯特羅街，與米爾克是好友。他認為罷工需要團結卡斯特羅街的同性戀人士，於是找到米爾克幫助。雙方一拍即合，作為交換條件，米爾克請工會為同性戀群體提供更多職位。米爾克聯合當地的同志酒吧公開抵制庫爾斯啤酒，卡車司機工會也請到阿拉伯裔和華裔商鋪參與其中。最終庫爾斯在七年間市場份額下跌過半，與聯合會達成和解，同意增加僱傭女性和少數群體，但直至2010年代仍有大量非裔、拉丁裔、女性主義者和LGBT群體不願接受其產品。貝爾德在日後了解到米爾克當時準備參選舊金山市監督委員，但他在同意合作時只要求為同性戀群體提供工作，沒有像其他人一樣要求工會為其選舉背書。他因此更加欽佩米爾克的為人。自此，米爾克與勞工組織建立了堅實的政治聯盟，他也開始頻繁向媒體自稱為「卡斯特羅街市長」，這一形象隨之深入人心。隨着卡斯特羅街逐漸發展壯大，米爾克在當地的名聲也越發響亮。湯姆·歐霍根在多年之後對此評價道：「哈維的大半生都在尋找一個舞台，終於在卡斯特羅街找到了。」美國記者、傳記作家蘭迪·希爾斯在1982年創作的米爾克傳記就以「卡斯特羅街市長」為標題。

再次參選

米爾克在卡斯特羅街的社區領導地位日益凸顯。1975年，他決定再次參選監督委員，此時公眾和米爾克自己都已經開始嚴肅對待這次競選活動。他重新制定了策略，剪去長發，戒掉大麻，還發誓不再踏足同志浴池。他的競選得到卡車司機、消防員和建築工人工會的支持，卡斯特羅照相館也逐漸成為競選活動中心。米爾克有時還會從街頭找到自己鍾意的男性來幫助自己競選。

米爾克在競選中關注小企業和整個社區的發展，尤其反對市政府當前對徵稅財產的估價手段。他認為市政府對大額政治捐款人的財產估值過低，導致稅負轉移至小房主的身上。他還全力支持工會活動。

1968年起，時任舊金山市長約瑟夫·阿利奧托一直向該市引進大公司，但批評者認為他的政策「使舊金山變成曼哈頓」。服務業興起後，藍領工人逐漸失業，阿利奧托的選票基本盤因此流失。喬治·莫斯科尼因此在1975年取代阿利奧托當選舊金山市長。莫斯科尼Moscone had been instrumental in repealing the sodomy law earlier that year in the California State Legislature. He acknowledged Milk's influence in his election by visiting Milk's election night headquarters, thanking Milk personally, and offering him a position as a city commissioner. Milk came in seventh place in the election, only one position away from earning a supervisor seat.Liberal politicians held the offices of the mayor, district attorney, and sheriff.

Despite the new leadership in the city, there were still conservative strongholds. One of Moscone's first acts as mayor was appointing a police chief to the embattled San Francisco Police Department (SFPD). He chose Charles Gain, against the wishes of the SFPD. Most of the force disliked Gain for criticizing the police in the press for racial insensitivity and alcohol abuse on the job, instead of working within the command structure to change attitudes. By request of the mayor, Gain made it clear that gay police officers would be welcomed in the department; this became national news. Police under Gain expressed their hatred of him, and of the mayor for betraying them.

參選州眾議員

Keeping his promise to Milk, newly elected Mayor George Moscone appointed him to the Board of Permit Appeals in 1976, making him the first openly gay city commissioner in the United States. Milk, however, considered seeking a position in the California State Assembly. The district was weighted heavily in his favor, as much of it was based in neighborhoods surrounding Castro Street, where Milk's sympathizers voted. In the previous race for supervisor, Milk received more votes than the currently seated assemblyman. However, Moscone had made a deal with the assembly speaker that another candidate should run—Art Agnos. Furthermore, by order of the mayor, neither appointed nor elected officials were allowed to run a campaign while performing their duties.

By the time of Milk's 1975 campaign, he had decided to cut his hair and wear suits. Here, Milk (far right) is campaigning with longshoremen in San Francisco during his 1976 race for the California State Assembly.

Milk spent five weeks on the Board of Permit Appeals before Moscone was forced to fire him when he announced he would run for the California State Assembly. Rick Stokes replaced him. Milk's firing, and the backroom deal made between Moscone, the assembly speaker, and Agnos, fueled his campaign as he took on the identity of a political underdog. He railed that high officers in the city and state governments were against him. He complained that the prevailing gay political establishment, particularly the Alice B. Toklas Memorial Democratic Club, were shutting him out; he referred to Jim Foster and Stokes as gay "Uncle Toms". He enthusiastically embraced a local independent weekly magazine's headline: "Harvey Milk vs. The Machine". The Alice B. Toklas Club made no endorsement in the primary — neither Milk nor Agnos — while other gay-aligned clubs and groups endorsed Agnos or did dual endorsements.

Milk's role as a representative of San Francisco's gay community expanded during this period. On September 22, 1975, President Gerald Ford, while visiting San Francisco, walked from his hotel to his car. In the crowd, Sara Jane Moore raised a gun to shoot him. A former Marine who had been walking by grabbed her arm as the gun discharged toward the pavement. The bystander was Oliver "Bill" Sipple, who had left Milk's ex-lover Joe Campbell years before, prompting Campbell's suicide attempt. The national spotlight was on him immediately. On psychiatric disability leave from the military, Sipple refused to call himself a hero and did not want his sexuality disclosed. Milk, however, took advantage of the opportunity to illustrate his cause that public perception of gay people would be improved if they came out of the closet. He told a friend: "It's too good an opportunity. For once we can show that gays do heroic things, not just all that ca-ca about molesting children and hanging out in bathrooms." Milk contacted a newspaper.

Several days later Herb Caen, a columnist at The San Francisco Chronicle, exposed Sipple as gay and a friend of Milk's. The announcement was picked up by national newspapers, and Milk's name was included in many of the stories. Time magazine named Milk as a leader in San Francisco's gay community. Sipple, however, was besieged by reporters, as was his family. His mother, a staunch Baptist in Detroit, now refused to speak to him. Although he had been involved with the gay community for years, even participating in Gay Pride events, Sipple sued the Chronicle for invasion of privacy. President Ford sent Sipple a note of thanks for saving his life. Milk said that Sipple's sexual orientation was the reason he received only a note, rather than an invitation to the White House.

Milk's continuing campaign, run from the storefront of Castro Camera, was a study in disorganization. Although the older Irish grandmothers and gay men who volunteered were plentiful and happy to send out mass mailings, Milk's notes and volunteer lists were kept on scrap papers. Any time the campaign required funds, the money came from the cash register without any consideration for accounting. The campaign manager's assistant was an 11-year-old neighborhood girl. Milk himself was hyperactive and prone to fantastic outbursts of temper, only to recover quickly and shout excitedly about something else. Many of his rants were directed at his lover, Scott Smith, who was becoming disillusioned with the man who was no longer the laid-back hippie he had fallen in love with.

If the candidate was manic, he was also dedicated and filled with good humor, and he had a particular genius for getting media attention. He spent long hours registering voters and shaking hands at bus stops and movie theater lines. He took whatever opportunity came along to promote himself. He thoroughly enjoyed campaigning, and his success was evident. With the large numbers of volunteers, he had dozens at a time stand along the busy thoroughfare of Market Street as human billboards, holding "Milk for Assembly" signs while commuters drove into the heart of the city to work. He distributed his campaign literature anywhere he could, including among one of the most influential political groups in the city, the Peoples Temple, an organization that Milk attended regularly. Milk's volunteers even took thousands of brochures and because the Peoples Temple leader, Jim Jones, was a politically powerful individual in San Francisco, Milk encouraged Temple members to work his phones, spoke at the Temple and later wrote a letter to President Jimmy Carter defending Jones character. Milk's relationship with the Temple was not entirely similar to other politicians' in Northern California. According to The San Francisco Examiner, Jones and his parishioners were a "potent political force", helping to elect Moscone (who appointed him to the Housing Authority), District Attorney Joseph Freitas, and Sheriff Richard Hongisto. (Jacobs, John [November 20, 1978]. "S.F.'s Leaders Recall Jones the Politician", The San Francisco Examiner, p. C.) Milk spoke at the Temple ("Another Day of Death", Time, December 11, 1978.) and defended Jones in a letter to President Jimmy Carter in 1978. (In that letter he called Jones "a man of the highest character," and criticized outspoken Temple defectors for trying to "damage Rev. Jones' reputation" with "apparent bold-faced lies".)[1] (Coleman, Loren (2004), The Copycat Effect, Simon & Schuster, p. 68.). However, When Milk learned Jones was backing both him and Art Agnos in 1976, he told friend Michael Wong, "Well fuck him. I'll take his workers, but, that's the game Jim Jones plays." But to his volunteers, he said: "Make sure you're always nice to the Peoples Temple. If they ask you to do something, do it, and then send them a note thanking them for asking you to do it."

The race was close, and Milk lost by fewer than 4,000 votes. Agnos, however, taught Milk a valuable lesson when he criticized Milk's campaign speeches as "a downer ... You talk about how you're gonna throw the bums out, but how are you gonna fix things—other than beat me? You shouldn't leave your audience on a down." In the wake of his loss, Milk, realizing that the Toklas Club would never support him politically, co-founded the San Francisco Gay Democratic Club.

Broader historical forces

The fledgling gay rights movement had yet to meet organized opposition in the U.S. In 1977 a few well-connected gay activists in Miami, Florida were able to pass a civil rights ordinance that made discrimination based on sexual orientation illegal in Dade County. A well-organized group of conservative fundamentalist Christians responded, headed by singer Anita Bryant. Their campaign was titled Save Our Children, and Bryant claimed the ordinance infringed her right to teach her children Biblical morality. Bryant and the campaign gathered 64,000 signatures to put the issue to a county-wide vote. With funds raised in part by the Florida Citrus Commission, for which Bryant was the spokeswoman, they ran television advertisements that contrasted the Orange Bowl Parade with San Francisco's Gay Freedom Day Parade, stating that Dade County would be turned into a "hotbed of homosexuality" where "men ... cavort with little boys".

Jim Foster, then the most powerful political organizer in San Francisco, went to Miami to assist gay activists there as election day neared, and a nationwide boycott of orange juice was organized. The message of the Save Our Children campaign was influential, and the result was an overwhelming defeat for gay activists; in the largest turnout in any special election in the history of Dade County, 70% voted to repeal the law.

Just politics

Christian conservatives were inspired by their victory, and saw an opportunity for a new, effective political cause. Gay activists were shocked to see how little support they received. An impromptu demonstration of over 3,000 Castro residents formed the night of the Dade County ordinance vote. Gay men and lesbians were simultaneously angry, chanting "Out of the bars and into the streets!", and elated at their passionate and powerful response. The San Francisco Examiner reported that members of the crowd pulled others out of bars along Castro and Polk Streets to "deafening" cheers. Milk led marchers that night on a five-mile (8 km) course through the city, constantly moving, aware that if they stopped for too long there would be a riot. He declared, "This is the power of the gay community. Anita's going to create a national gay force." Activists had little time to recover, however, as the scenario replayed itself when civil rights ordinances were overturned by voters in Saint Paul, Minnesota; Wichita, Kansas; and Eugene, Oregon, throughout 1977 and into 1978.

California State Senator John Briggs saw an opportunity in the Christian fundamentalists' campaign. He was hoping to be elected governor of California in 1978, and was impressed with the voter turnout he saw in Miami. When Briggs returned to Sacramento, he wrote a bill that would ban gays and lesbians from teaching in public schools throughout California. Briggs claimed in private that he had nothing against gays, telling gay journalist Randy Shilts, "It's politics. Just politics." Random attacks on gays rose in the Castro. When the police response was considered inadequate, groups of gays patrolled the neighborhood themselves, on alert for attackers. On June 21, 1977, a gay man named Robert Hillsborough died from 15 stab wounds while his attackers gathered around him and chanted "Faggot!" Both Mayor Moscone and Hillsborough's mother blamed Anita Bryant and John Briggs. One week prior to the incident, Briggs had held a press conference at San Francisco City Hall where he called the city a "sexual garbage heap" because of homosexuals. Weeks later, 250,000 people attended the 1977 San Francisco Gay Freedom Day Parade, the largest attendance at any Gay Pride event to that point.

In November 1976, voters in San Francisco decided to reorganize supervisor elections to choose supervisors from neighborhoods instead of voting for them in citywide ballots. Harvey Milk quickly qualified as the leading candidate in District 5, surrounding Castro Street.

Last campaign

"The nongay community has mostly accepted it. What San Francisco is today, and what it is becoming, reflects both the energy and organization of the gay community and its developing effort toward integration in the political processes of the American city best known for innovation in life styles."

The New York Times, November 6, 1977

Anita Bryant's public campaign opposing homosexuality and the multiple challenges to gay rights ordinances across the United States fueled gay politics in San Francisco. Seventeen candidates from the Castro District entered the next race for supervisor; more than half of them were gay. The New York Times ran an exposé on the veritable invasion of gay people into San Francisco, estimating that the city's gay population was between 100,000 and 200,000 out of a total 750,000. The Castro Village Association had grown to 90 businesses; the local bank, formerly the smallest branch in the city, had become the largest and was forced to build a wing to accommodate its new customers. Milk biographer Randy Shilts noted that "broader historical forces" were fueling his campaign.

Milk's most successful opponent was the quiet and thoughtful lawyer Rick Stokes, who was backed by the Alice B. Toklas Memorial Democratic Club. Stokes had been open about his homosexuality long before Milk had, and had experienced more severe treatment, once hospitalized and forced to endure electroshock therapy to 'cure' him. Milk, however, was more expressive about the role of gay people and their issues in San Francisco politics. Stokes was quoted saying, "I'm just a businessman who happens to be gay," and expressed the view that any normal person could also be homosexual. Milk's contrasting populist philosophy was relayed to The New York Times: "We don't want sympathetic liberals, we want gays to represent gays ... I represent the gay street people—the 14-year-old runaway from San Antonio. We have to make up for hundreds of years of persecution. We have to give hope to that poor runaway kid from San Antonio. They go to the bars because churches are hostile. They need hope! They need a piece of the pie!"

Other causes were also important to Milk: he promoted larger and less expensive child care facilities, free public transportation, and the development of a board of civilians to oversee the police. He advanced important neighborhood issues at every opportunity. Milk used the same manic campaign tactics as in previous races: human billboards, hours of handshaking, and dozens of speeches calling on gay people to have hope. This time, even The San Francisco Chronicle endorsed him for supervisor. On election day, November 8, 1977, he won by 30% against sixteen other candidates, and after his victory became apparent, he arrived on Castro Street on the back of his campaign manager's motorcycle—escorted by Sheriff Richard Hongisto—to what a newspaper story described as a "tumultuous and moving welcome".

Milk had recently taken a new lover, a young man named Jack Lira, who was frequently drunk in public, and just as often escorted out of political events by Milk's aides. Since the race for the California State Assembly, Milk had been receiving increasingly violent death threats. Concerned that his raised profile marked him as a target for assassination, he recorded on tape his thoughts, and whom he wanted to succeed him if he were killed, adding: "If a bullet should enter my brain, let that bullet destroy every closet door".

Supervisor

Milk's swearing-in made national headlines, as he became the first non-incumbent openly gay man in the United States to win an election for public office. He likened himself to pioneering African American baseball player Jackie Robinson and walked to City Hall arm in arm with Jack Lira, stating "You can stand around and throw bricks at Silly Hall or you can take it over. Well, here we are." The Castro District was not the only neighborhood to promote someone new to city politics. Sworn in with Milk were also a single mother (Carol Ruth Silver), a Chinese American (Gordon Lau), and an African American woman (Ella Hill Hutch)—all firsts for the city. Daniel White, a former police officer and firefighter, was also a first-time supervisor, and he spoke of how proud he was that his grandmother was able to see him sworn in.

Milk's energy, affinity for pranking, and unpredictability at times exasperated Board of Supervisors President Dianne Feinstein. In his first meeting with Mayor Moscone, Milk called himself the "number one queen" and dictated to Moscone that he would have to go through Milk instead of the Alice B. Toklas Memorial Democratic Club if he wanted the city's gay votes—a quarter of San Francisco's voting population. However, Milk also became Moscone's closest ally on the Board of Supervisors. The biggest targets of Milk's ire were large corporations and real estate developers. He fumed when a parking garage was slated to take the place of homes near the downtown area, and tried to pass a commuter tax so office workers who lived outside the city and drove into work would have to pay for city services they used. Milk was often willing to vote against Feinstein and other more tenured members of the board. In one controversy early in his term, Milk agreed with fellow Supervisor Dan White, whose district was located two miles south of the Castro, that a mental health facility for troubled adolescents should not be placed there. After Milk learned more about the facility, he decided to switch his vote, ensuring White's loss on the issue—a particularly poignant cause that White championed while campaigning. White did not forget it. He opposed every initiative and issue Milk supported.

Milk began his tenure by sponsoring a civil rights bill that outlawed discrimination based on sexual orientation. The ordinance was called the "most stringent and encompassing in the nation", and its passing demonstrated "the growing political power of homosexuals", according to The New York Times. Only Supervisor White voted against it; Mayor Moscone enthusiastically signed it into law with a light blue pen that Milk had given him for the occasion.

Another bill Milk concentrated on was designed to solve the number one problem according to a recent citywide poll: dog excrement. Within a month of being sworn in, he began to work on a city ordinance to require dog owners to scoop their pets' feces. Dubbed the "pooper scooper law", its authorization by the Board of Supervisors was covered extensively by television and newspapers in San Francisco. Anne Kronenberg, Milk's campaign manager, called him "a master at figuring out what would get him covered in the newspaper".He invited the press to Duboce Park to explain why it was necessary, and while cameras were rolling, stepped in the offending substance, seemingly by mistake. His staffers, however, knew he had been at the park for an hour before the press conference looking for the right place to walk in front of the cameras. It earned him the most fan mail of his tenure in politics and went out on national news releases.

Milk had grown tired of Lira's drinking and considered breaking up with him when Lira called a few weeks later and demanded Milk come home. When Milk arrived, he found Lira had hanged himself. Already prone to severe depression, Lira had attempted suicide previously. One of the longest notes he left for Milk indicated he was upset about the Anita Bryant and John Briggs campaigns.

Briggs Initiative

更多資訊：Briggs Initiative

1978年6月，米爾克在聖何塞參加同性戀驕傲活動

John Briggs was forced to drop out of the 1978 race for California governor, but received enthusiastic support for Proposition 6, dubbed the Briggs Initiative. The proposed law would have made firing gay teachers—and any public school employees who supported gay rights—mandatory. Briggs' messages supporting Proposition 6 were pervasive throughout California, and Harvey Milk attended every event Briggs hosted. Milk campaigned against the bill throughout the state as well, and swore that even if Briggs won California, he would not win San Francisco. In their numerous debates, which toward the end had been honed to quick back-and-forth banter, Briggs maintained that homosexual teachers wanted to abuse and recruit children. Milk responded with statistics compiled by law enforcement that provided evidence that pedophiles identified primarily as heterosexual, and dismissed Briggs' assertions with one-liner jokes: "If it were true that children mimicked their teachers, you'd sure have a helluva lot more nuns running around."

Attendance at Gay Pride marches during the summer of 1978 in Los Angeles and San Francisco swelled. An estimated 250,000 to 375,000 attended San Francisco's Gay Freedom Day Parade; newspapers claimed the higher numbers were due to John Briggs. Organizers asked participants to carry signs indicating their hometowns for the cameras, to show how far people came to live in the Castro District. Milk rode in an open car carrying a sign saying "I'm from Woodmere, N.Y." He gave a version of what became his most famous speech, the "Hope Speech", that The San Francisco Examiner said "ignited the crowd":

On this anniversary of Stonewall, I ask my gay sisters and brothers to make the commitment to fight. For themselves, for their freedom, for their country ... We will not win our rights by staying quietly in our closets ... We are coming out to fight the lies, the myths, the distortions. We are coming out to tell the truths about gays, for I am tired of the conspiracy of silence, so I'm going to talk about it. And I want you to talk about it. You must come out. Come out to your parents, your relatives.

Despite the losses in battles for gay rights across the country that year, he remained optimistic, saying "Even if gays lose in these initiatives, people are still being educated. Because of Anita Bryant and Dade County, the entire country was educated about homosexuality to a greater extent than ever before. The first step is always hostility, and after that you can sit down and talk about it."

Citing the potential infringements on individual rights, former governor of California Ronald Reagan voiced his opposition to the proposition, as did Governor Jerry Brown and President Jimmy Carter, the latter in an afterthought following a speech he gave in Sacramento. On November 7, 1978, the proposition lost by more than a million votes, astounding gay activists on election night. In San Francisco, 75 percent voted against it.

Assassination

更多資訊：Moscone–Milk assassinations

https://news.google.com/newspapers?id=pg0dAAAAIBAJ&sjid=9pcEAAAAIBAJ&pg=4837%2C4973559

https://www.washingtonpost.com/archive/politics/1978/12/01/moscone-is-buried-in-san-franciscoslain-mayor-strove-to-be-warm-gentle-and-kind-to-everyone/da793467-ff40-4e82-b597-e72046cef1f9/?utm_term=.d3d31b9936ca

On November 10, 1978, 10 months after being sworn in, White resigned his position on the San Francisco Board of Supervisors, saying that his annual salary of $9,600 was not enough to support his family. Within days, White requested that his resignation be withdrawn and he be reinstated, and Mayor Moscone initially agreed.However, further consideration—and intervention by other supervisors—convinced Moscone to appoint someone more in line with the growing ethnic diversity of White's district and the liberal leanings of the Board of Supervisors.

On November 18 and 19, news broke of the murder of California Representative Leo Ryan, who was in Jonestown, Guyana, to check on the remote community built by members of the Peoples Temple who had relocated from San Francisco, and the mass suicide of 900 members of the Peoples Temple. Dan White remarked to two aides who were working for his reinstatement, "You see that? One day I'm on the front page and the next I'm swept right off."

Moscone planned to announce White's replacement on November 27, 1978. A half hour before the press conference, White avoided metal detectors by entering City Hall through a basement window, and went to Moscone's office, where witnesses heard shouting followed by gunshots. White shot Moscone in the shoulder and chest, then twice in the head. White then quickly walked to his former office, reloading his police-issue revolver with hollow-point bullets along the way, and intercepted Milk, asking him to step inside for a moment. Dianne Feinstein heard gunshots and called police, then found Milk face down on the floor, shot five times, including twice in the head. Soon after, she announced to the press, "Today San Francisco has experienced a double tragedy of immense proportions. As President of the Board of Supervisors, it is my duty to inform you that both Mayor Moscone and Supervisor Harvey Milk have been shot and killed, and the suspect is Supervisor Dan White." Milk was 48 years old. Moscone was 49.

Within an hour, White called his wife from a nearby diner; she met him at a church and was with him as he turned himself in. Many left flowers on the steps of City Hall, and that evening 25,000 to 40,000 formed a spontaneous candlelight march from Castro Street to City Hall. The next day, the bodies of Moscone and Milk were brought to the City Hall rotunda where mourners paid their respects. Six thousand mourners attended a service for Mayor Moscone at St. Mary's Cathedral. Two memorials were held for Milk; a small one at Temple Emanu-El and a more boisterous one at the Opera House.

"City in agony"

The headline of The San Francisco Examiner on November 28, 1978, announcedDan White was charged with first-degree murder, and eligible for the death penalty.

Moscone had recently increased security at City Hall in the wake of the Jonestown suicides. Survivors from Guyana recounted drills for suicide preparations that Jones called "White Nights". Rumors about Moscone's and Milk's murders were fueled by the coincidence of Dan White's name and Jones' suicide preparations. A stunned District Attorney called the assassinations so close to the news about Jonestown "incomprehensible", but denied any connection. Governor Jerry Brown ordered all flags in California to be flown at half staff, and called Milk a "hard-working and dedicated supervisor, a leader of San Francisco's gay community, who kept his promise to represent all his constituents". President Jimmy Carter expressed his shock at both murders and sent his condolences. Speaker of the California Assembly Leo McCarthy called it "an insane tragedy". "A City in Agony" topped the headlines in The San Francisco Examiner the day after the murders; inside the paper stories of the assassinations under the headline "Black Monday" were printed back to back with updates of bodies being shipped home from Guyana. An editorial describing "A city with more sadness and despair in its heart than any city should have to bear" went on to ask how such tragedies could occur, particularly to "men of such warmth and vision and great energies". Dan White was charged with two counts of murder and held without bail, eligible for the death penalty owing to the recent passage of a statewide proposition that allowed death or life in prison for the murder of a public official. One analysis of the months surrounding the murders called 1978 and 1979 "the most emotionally devastating years in San Francisco's fabulously spotted history".

The 32-year-old White, who had been in the Army during the Vietnam War, had run on a tough anti-crime platform in his district. Colleagues declared him a high-achieving "all-American boy". He was to have received an award the next week for rescuing a woman and child from a 17-story burning building when he was a firefighter in 1977. Though he was the only supervisor to vote against Milk's gay rights ordinance earlier that year, he had been quoted as saying, "I respect the rights of all people, including gays". Milk and White at first got along well. One of White's political aides (who was gay) remembered, "Dan had more in common with Harvey than he did with anyone else on the board". White had voted to support a center for gay seniors, and to honor Phyllis Lyon and Del Martin's 25th anniversary and pioneering work.

The plaque covering Milk's ashes reads, in part: [Harvey Milk's] camera store and campaign headquarters at 575 Castro Street and his apartment upstairs were centers of community activism for a wide range of human rights, environmental, labor, and neighborhood issues. Harvey Milk's hard work and accomplishments on behalf of all San Franciscans earned him widespread respect and support. His life is an inspiration to all people committed to equal opportunity and an end to bigotry.

The plaque covering Milk's ashes in front of 575 Castro Street

After Milk's vote for the mental health facility in White's district, however, White refused to speak with Milk and communicated with only one of Milk's aides. Other acquaintances remembered White as very intense. "He was impulsive ... He was an extremely competitive man, obsessively so ... I think he could not take defeat," San Francisco's assistant fire chief told reporters. White's first campaign manager quit in the middle of the campaign, and told a reporter that White was an egotist and it was clear that he was antigay, though he denied it in the press. White's associates and supporters described him "as a man with a pugilistic temper and an impressive capacity for nurturing a grudge". The aide who had handled communications between White and Milk remembered, "Talking to him, I realized that he saw Harvey Milk and George Moscone as representing all that was wrong with the world".

When Milk's friends looked in his closet for a suit for his casket, they learned how much he had been affected by the recent decrease in his income as a supervisor. All of his clothes were coming apart; all of his socks had holes. He was cremated and his ashes were split, most of them scattered in San Francisco Bay by his closest friends. Some of them were encapsulated and buried beneath the sidewalk in front of 575 Castro Street, where Castro Camera had been located. There is a memorial to Milk also at Neptune Society Columbarium, ground floor, San Francisco, California. Harry Britt, one of four people Milk listed on his tape as an acceptable replacement should he be assassinated, was chosen to fill that position by the city's acting mayor, Dianne Feinstein.

Trial

更多資訊：Dan White和Twinkie defense

Dan White's arrest and trial caused a sensation, and illustrated severe tensions between the liberal population and the city police. The San Francisco Police were mostly working-class Irish descendants who intensely disliked the growing gay immigration, as well as the liberal direction of the city government. After White turned himself in and confessed, he sat in his cell while his former colleagues on the police force told Harvey Milk jokes; police openly wore "Free Dan White" T-shirts in the days after the murder. An undersheriff for San Francisco later stated: "The more I observed what went on at the jail, the more I began to stop seeing what Dan White did as the act of an individual and began to see it as a political act in a political movement." White showed no remorse for his actions, and only exhibited vulnerability during an eight-minute call to his mother from jail.

The seated jury for White's trial consisted of white middle-class San Franciscans who were mostly Catholic; gays and ethnic minorities were excused from the jury pool. Some of the members of the jury cried when they heard White's tearful recorded confession, at the end of which the interrogator thanked White for his honesty. White's defense attorney, Doug Schmidt, argued that he was not responsible for his actions, using the legal defense known as diminished capacity: "Good people, fine people, with fine backgrounds, simply don't kill people in cold blood." Schmidt tried to prove that White's anguished mental state was a result of manipulation by the politicos in City Hall who had consistently disappointed and confounded him, finally promising to give his job back only to refuse him again. Schmidt said that White's mental deterioration was demonstrated and exacerbated by his junk food binge the night before the murders, since he was usually known to have been health-food conscious. Area newspapers quickly dubbed it the Twinkie defense. White was acquitted of the first degree murder charge on May 21, 1979, but found guilty of voluntary manslaughter of both victims, and he was sentenced to serve seven and two-thirds years. With the sentence reduced for time served and good behavior, he would be released in five. He cried when he heard the verdict.

White Night riots

更多資訊：White Night riots

Rioters outside San Francisco City Hall, May 21, 1979, reacting to the voluntary manslaughter verdict for Dan White.

Acting Mayor Feinstein, Supervisor Carol Ruth Silver, and Milk's successor Harry Britt condemned the jury's decision. When it was announced over the police radio in the city, someone sang "Danny Boy" on the police band. A surge of people from the Castro District walked again to City Hall, chanting "Avenge Harvey Milk" and "He got away with murder". Pandemonium rapidly escalated as rocks were hurled at the front doors of the building. Milk's friends and aides tried to stop the destruction, but the mob of more than 3,000 ignored them and lit police cars on fire. They shoved a burning newspaper dispenser through the broken doors of City Hall, then cheered as the flames grew. One of the rioters responded to a reporter's question about why they were destroying parts of the city: "Just tell people that we ate too many Twinkies. That's why this is happening." The chief of police ordered the police not to retaliate, but to hold their ground. The White Night riots, as they became known, lasted several hours.

Later that evening, several police cruisers filled with officers wearing riot gear arrived at the Elephant Walk Bar on Castro Street. Harvey Milk's protégéCleve Jones and a reporter for the San Francisco Chronicle, Warren Hinckle, watched as officers stormed into the bar and began to beat patrons at random. After a 15-minute melee, they left the bar and struck out at people walking along the street. The chief of police finally ordered the officers out of the neighborhood. By morning, 61 police officers and 100 rioters and gay residents of the Castro had been hospitalized. City Hall, police cruisers, and the Elephant Walk Bar suffered damages in excess of $1,000,000.

After the verdict, the District Attorney Joseph Freitas faced a furious gay community to explain what had gone wrong. The prosecutor admitted to feeling sorry for White before the trial, and neglected to ask the interrogator who had recorded White's confession (and who was a childhood friend of White's and his police softball team coach) about his biases and the support White received from the police because, he said, he did not want to embarrass the detective in front of his family in court. Nor did Freitas question White's frame of mind, lack of a history of mental illness, or bring into evidence city politics, suggesting that revenge may have been a motive. Supervisor Carol Ruth Silver testified on the last day of the trial that White and Milk were not friendly, yet she had contacted the prosecutor and insisted on testifying. It was the only testimony the jury heard about their strained relationship. Freitas blamed the jury whom he claimed had been "taken in by the whole emotional aspect of [the] trial".

Aftermath

Milk's and Moscone's murders and White's trial changed city politics and the California legal system. In 1980 San Francisco ended district supervisor elections, fearing that a Board of Supervisors so divisive would be harmful to the city, and that they had been a factor in the assassinations. A grassroots neighborhood effort to restore district elections in the mid-1990s proved successful, and the city returned to neighborhood representatives in 2000. As a result of Dan White's trial, California voters changed the law to reduce the likelihood of acquittals of accused who knew what they were doing but claimed their capacity was impaired.Diminished capacity was abolished as a defense to a charge, but courts allowed evidence of it when deciding whether to incarcerate, commit, or otherwise punish a convicted defendant. The "Twinkie defense" has entered American mythology, popularly described as a case where a murderer escapes justice because he binged on junk food, simplifying White's lack of political savvy, his relationships with George Moscone and Harvey Milk, and what San Francisco Chronicle columnist Herb Caen described as pandemic police "dislike of homosexuals".

https://www.washingtonpost.com/archive/politics/1985/10/22/dan-white-commits-suicide/590322ca-f461-4a98-9c5f-348648f7ac66/?utm_term=.2c13abc2e0ba

Dan White served a little more than five years for the double murder of Moscone and Milk. On October 21, 1985, a year and a half after his release from prison, White was found dead in a running car in his ex-wife's garage. He was 39 years old. His defense attorney told reporters that he had been despondent over the loss of his family, and the situation he had caused, adding, "This was a sick man."

Legacy

Politics

Harvey Milk's political career centered on making government responsive to individuals, gay liberation, and the importance of neighborhoods to the city. At the onset of each campaign, an issue was added to Milk's public political philosophy. His 1973 campaign focused on the first point, that as a small business owner in San Francisco—a city dominated by large corporations that had been courted by municipal government—his interests were being overlooked because he was not represented by a large financial institution. Although he did not hide the fact that he was gay, it did not become an issue until his race for the California State Assembly in 1976. It was brought to the fore in the supervisor race against Rick Stokes, as it was an extension of his ideas of individual freedom.

Milk strongly believed that neighborhoods promoted unity and a small-town experience, and that the Castro should provide services to all its residents. He opposed the closing of an elementary school; even though most gay people in the Castro did not have children, Milk saw his neighborhood having the potential to welcome everyone. He told his aides to concentrate on fixing potholes and boasted that 50 new stop signs had been installed in District 5. Responding to city residents' largest complaint about living in San Francisco—dog feces—Milk made it a priority to enact the ordinance requiring dog owners to take care of their pets' droppings. Randy Shilts noted, "some would claim Harvey was a socialist or various other sorts of ideologues, but, in reality, Harvey's political philosophy was never more complicated than the issue of dogshit; government should solve people's basic problems."

Karen Foss, a communications professor at the University of New Mexico, attributes Milk's impact on San Francisco politics to the fact that he was unlike anyone else who had held public office in the city. She writes, "Milk happened to be a highly energetic, charismatic figure with a love of theatrics and nothing to lose ... Using laughter, reversal, transcendence, and his insider/outsider status, Milk helped create a climate in which dialogue on issues became possible. He also provided a means to integrate the disparate voices of his various constituencies." Milk had been a rousing speaker since he began campaigning in 1973, and his oratory skills only improved after he became City Supervisor. His most famous talking points became known as the "Hope Speech", which became a staple throughout his political career. It opened with a play on the accusation that gay people recruit impressionable youth into their numbers: "My name is Harvey Milk—and I want to recruit you." A version of the Hope Speech that he gave near the end of his life was considered by his friends and aides to be the best, and the closing the most effective:

And the young gay people in the Altoona, Pennsylvanias and the Richmond, Minnesotas who are coming out and hear Anita Bryant in television and her story. The only thing they have to look forward to is hope. And you have to give them hope. Hope for a better world, hope for a better tomorrow, hope for a better place to come to if the pressures at home are too great. Hope that all will be all right. Without hope, not only gays, but the blacks, the seniors, the handicapped, the us'es, the us'es will give up. And if you help elect to the central committee and other offices, more gay people, that gives a green light to all who feel disenfranchised, a green light to move forward. It means hope to a nation that has given up, because if a gay person makes it, the doors are open to everyone.

In the last year of his life, Milk emphasized that gay people should be more visible to help to end the discrimination and violence against them. Although Milk had not come out to his mother before her death many years before, in his final statement during his taped prediction of his assassination, he urged others to do so:

I cannot prevent anyone from getting angry, or mad, or frustrated. I can only hope that they'll turn that anger and frustration and madness into something positive, so that two, three, four, five hundred will step forward, so the gay doctors will come out, the gay lawyers, the gay judges, gay bankers, gay architects ... I hope that every professional gay will say 'enough', come forward and tell everybody, wear a sign, let the world know. Maybe that will help.

However, Milk's assassination has become entwined with his political efficacy, partly because he was killed at the zenith of his popularity. Historian Neil Miller writes, "No contemporary American gay leader has yet to achieve in life the stature Milk found in death." His legacy has become ambiguous; Randy Shilts concludes his biography writing that Milk's success, murder, and the inevitable injustice of White's verdict represented the experience of all gays. Milk's life was "a metaphor for the homosexual experience in America". According to Frances FitzGerald, Milk's legend has been unable to be sustained as no one appeared able to take his place in the years after his death: "The Castro saw him as a martyr but understood his martyrdom as an end rather than a beginning. He had died, and with him a great deal of the Castro's optimism, idealism, and ambition seemed to die as well. The Castro could find no one to take his place in its affections, and possibly wanted no one." On the 20th anniversary of Milk's death, historian John D'Emilio said, "The legacy that I think he would want to be remembered for is the imperative to live one's life at all times with integrity." For a political career so short, Cleve Jones attributes more to his assassination than his life: "His murder and the response to it made permanent and unquestionable the full participation of gay and lesbian people in the political process."

Tributes and media

Gay Pride flag above Harvey Milk Plaza in The Castro neighborhood

The City of San Francisco has paid tribute to Milk by naming several locations after him. Where Market and Castro streets intersect in San Francisco flies an enormous Gay Pride flag, situated in Harvey Milk Plaza. The San Francisco Gay Democratic Club changed its name to the Harvey Milk Memorial Gay Democratic Club in 1978 (it is currently named the Harvey Milk Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender Democratic Club) and boasts that it is the largest Democratic organization in San Francisco. In New York City, Harvey Milk High School is a school program for at-risk youth that concentrates on the needs of gay, lesbian, bisexual, and transgender students and operates out of the Hetrick Martin Institute.

In July 2016, US Secretary of the Navy Ray Mabus advised Congress that he intended to name the second ship of the Military Sealift Command's John Lewis-class oilers, USNS Harvey Milk. All ships of the class are to be named after civil rights leaders. 哈維·米爾克號運油船

In 1982, freelance reporter Randy Shilts completed his first book: a biography of Milk, titled The Mayor of Castro Street. Shilts wrote the book while unable to find a steady job as an openly gay reporter. The Times of Harvey Milk, a documentary film based on the book's material, won the 1984 Academy Award for Documentary Feature. Director Rob Epstein spoke later about why he chose the subject of Milk's life: "At the time, for those of us who lived in San Francisco, it felt like it was life changing, that all the eyes of the world were upon us, but in fact most of the world outside of San Francisco had no idea. It was just a really brief, provincial, localized current events story that the mayor and a city council member in San Francisco were killed. It didn't have much reverberation."

Milk's life has been the subject of a musical theater production; an eponymous opera; a cantata; a children's picture book; a French-language historical novel for young-adult readers; and the biopic Milk, released in 2008 after 15 years in the making. The film was directed by Gus Van Sant and starred Sean Penn as Milk and Josh Brolin as Dan White, and won two Academy Awards for Best Original Screenplay and Best Actor. It took eight weeks to film, and often used extras who had been present at the actual events for large crowd scenes, including a scene depicting Milk's "Hope Speech" at the 1978 Gay Freedom Day Parade.

Stuart Milk accepts the Presidential Medal of Freedom from President Barack Obama in August 2009 on behalf of his uncle

Milk was included in the "Time 100 Heroes and Icons of the 20th Century" as "a symbol of what gays can accomplish and the dangers they face in doing so". Despite his antics and publicity stunts, according to writer John Cloud, "none understood how his public role could affect private lives better than Milk ... [he] knew that the root cause of the gay predicament was invisibility". The Advocate listed Milk third in their "40 Heroes" of the 20th century issue, quoting Dianne Feinstein: "His homosexuality gave him an insight into the scars which all oppressed people wear. He believed that no sacrifice was too great a price to pay for the cause of human rights."

Personal belongings of Harvey Milk on display at the GLBT History Museum in San Francisco's Castro District

In August 2009, President Barack Obama posthumously awarded Milk the Presidential Medal of Freedom for his contribution to the gay rights movement stating "he fought discrimination with visionary courage and conviction". Milk's nephew Stuart accepted for his uncle. Shortly after, Stuart co-founded the Harvey Milk Foundation with Anne Kronenberg with the support of Desmond Tutu, co-recipient of 2009 Presidential Medal of Freedom and now a member of the Foundation's Advisory Board. Later in the year, California governor Arnold Schwarzenegger designated May 22 as "Harvey Milk Day", and inducted Milk in the California Hall of Fame.

Since 2003, the story of Harvey Milk has been featured in three exhibitions created by the GLBT Historical Society, a San Francisco–based museum, archives, and research center, to which the estate of Scott Smith donated Milk's personal belongings that were preserved after his death. On May 22, 2014, the United States Postal Service issued a postage stamp honoring Harvey Milk, the first openly LGBT political official to receive this honor. The stamp features a photo taken in front of Milk's Castro Camera store and was unveiled on what would have been his 84th birthday.

Harry Britt summarized Milk's impact the evening Milk was shot in 1978: "No matter what the world has taught us about ourselves, we can be beautiful and we can get our thing together ... Harvey was a prophet ... he lived by a vision ... Something very special is going to happen in this city and it will have Harvey Milk's name on it."

In 2012, Milk was inducted into the Legacy Walk, an outdoor public display which celebrates LGBT history and people.

See also

• List of civil rights leaders
• LGBT culture in San Francisco
• LGBT social movements

Bibliography

• Shilts, Randy. The Mayor of Castro Street: the Life & Times of Harvey Milk 1. ed. New York: St. Martin's Press. 1982. ISBN 0312019009.  引文格式1維護：冗餘文本 (link)

• Carter, David (2004). Stonewall: The Riots that Sparked the Gay Revolution, St. Martin's Press. ISBN 0-312-34269-1
• Clendinen, Dudley, and Nagourney, Adam (1999). Out for Good: The Struggle to Build a Gay Rights Movement in America, Simon & Schuster. ISBN 0-684-81091-3
• de Jim, Strange (2003). San Francisco's Castro, Arcadia Publishing. ISBN 978-0-7385-2866-3
• Duberman, Martin (1999). Left Out: the Politics of Exclusion: Essays, 1964–1999, Basic Books. ISBN 0-465-01744-4
• Hinckle, Warren (1985). Gayslayer! The Story of How Dan White Killed Harvey Milk and George Moscone & Got Away With Murder, Silver Dollar Books. ISBN 0-933839-01-4
• Leyland, Winston, ed (2002). Out In the Castro: Desire, Promise, Activism, Leyland Publications. ISBN 978-0-943595-87-0
• Marcus, Eric (2002). Making Gay History, HarperCollins Publishers. ISBN 0-06-093391-7
• Miller, Neil (1994) Out of the Past: Gay and Lesbian History from 1869 to the Present, Vintage Books. ISBN 0-679-74988-8
• Shilts, Randy (1982). The Mayor of Castro Street: The Life and Times of Harvey Milk, St. Martin's Press. ISBN 0-312-52330-0
• Smith, Raymond, Haider-Markel, Donald, eds., (2002). Gay and Lesbian Americans and Political Participation, ABC-CLIO. ISBN 1-57607-256-8
• Weiss, Mike (2010). Double Play: The Hidden Passions Behind the Double Assassination of George Moscone and Harvey Milk, Vince Emery Productions. ISBN 978-0-9825650-5-6
• Shilts, Randy. The mayor of Castro Street : the life & times of Harvey Milk First St. Martin's Griffin edition. New York: St. Martin's Press. 2008. ISBN 9781466829671. 

Further reading

• Jones, Cleve, with Dawson, Jeff (2000). Stitching a Revolution: The Making of an Activist. ISBN 0-06-251642-6
• Milk, Harvey. The Harvey Milk Interviews: In His Own Words. Vince Emery Productions. 2012. ISBN 978-0-9725898-8-8. 
• Milk, Harvey. An Archive of Hope: Harvey Milk's Speeches and Writings. University of California Press. 2013. ISBN 978-0-520-27548-5. 
• Meason, Christopher, ed (2009). Milk: A Pictorial History of Harvey Milk, NewMarket Press. ISBN 978-1-55704-829-5

External links

• 維基共享資源上的相關多媒體資源：SSYoung/Sandbox5
• 維基語錄上有關Harvey Milk的語錄
• Harvey Milk Foundation
• Official Harvey Milk Day Website
• The James C. Hormel Gay & Lesbian Center at the San Francisco Public Library holds the Harvey Milk Archives–Scott Smith Collection.
• Harvey Milk photo history by Strange de Jim, with photos by Daniel Nicoletta
• Harvey Milk, Second Sight: Personal Photographs
• Significant collection of photographs and Milk history
• Harvey Milk City Hall Memorial Organization dedicated to placing a bust of Harvey Milk in San Francisco's City Hall.
• Harvey Milk Center for the Arts
• Harvey Milk: What His Presidential Medal of Freedom Means to All Americans by Chuck Wolfe
• The Unknown Adventures of Harvey Milk in Dallas by Vince Emery

Archival Resources

• The Gay, Lesbian, Bisexual, Transgender Historical Society Holds artifacts of Milk, including the suit he was wearing when shot by Dan White
• Harvey Milk Archives--Scott Smith Collection, 1930-1995, held at the San Francisco Public Library, James C. Hormel LGBTQIA Center.

美國政治職務
前任： District Created	Member of the San Francisco Board of Supervisors District 5 January 8, 1978 – November 27, 1978	繼任： Harry Britt